Abstract

The problems of Dalits are often viewed either from a class or a caste perspective, and one seldom looks at it in totality. Besides doing so, by tracing the various efforts taken to enhance the status of the Dalits, the present paper makes a point that the social work profession is yet to extend its formal professional support to the Dalits. It suggests that the social work profession has to introduce appropriate methods and devise new techniques to help both the teachers and the students of social work to come out of their caste prejudices before they are entrusted with the task of annihilating the caste system and ameliorating the lot of the Dalits.

A.Ramaiah is Professor, Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. He can be reached at ramaiah@tiss.edu

(This Article is republished because of its historical significance, being the first paper on professional social work from a Dalit Social Work perspective. We thank the Editor, IJSW, TISS for permitting the same)

Introduction

The concern for the Dalits, the most oppressed section in the Hindu social order dates back to around 600 BC when Buddhism questioned not only the validity of the hierarchical social order of Hinduism but also the notion of pollution attached to the Dalits, purity attached to the Brahmins, and the supremacy of the latter over the former. Of the many professions which aim to resolve the psychosocial and economic problems faced particularly by those who have been marginalised, both socially and economically like the Dalits, the social work profession needs special mention since it is based on the principle of `help the people help themselves’. However, the concern of professional social work for the cause of Dalits, if at all there was, would not have been before 1936, since the entry of professional social work in India seems to have begun only in that year with the founding of the Sir Dorabji Tata Graduate School of Social Work (now known as the Tata Institute of Social Sciences) in Mumbai. What has been the contribution of professional social work to deal effectively with the problems of the Dalits and what kinds of strategies they evolved for the same are the moot questions at this juncture. The present paper is indeed a pioneering attempt towards responding to these questions.

This paper consists of two parts. The first part attempts to explain, in brief, the basic problems of Dalits and the factors responsible for the same. It also gives a brief account of the various efforts taken by the non-Dalit and Dalit individuals and institutions during pre- and post-Independence periods and the impact of these efforts on the Dalits’ socioeconomic status, particularly on their struggle for social justice. The second part of this paper is devoted to trace the contribution of the social work profession to the cause of Dalits. This part also presents the ways in which the social work profession can play a pivotal role in helping the Dalits help themselves for achieving social justice.

The Dalits are those described in Hindu religious scriptures as Chandala, Ati-Shudra, Antyaja or Namashudra, Panchama and Avarnas. They are those treated, even today in many parts of India, as untouchables. They were Broken Men and Protestant Hindus to B.R. Ambedkar, and Harijans to Mahatma Gandhi. They have been recognised as Scheduled Castes (SCs) in the Constitution of India. The term or label or nomenclature `Dalit’ is not a euphemism to a series of labels attributed to this section of population, but is a term which they very strongly associate themselves with. The conscientious individuals belonging to this category feel proud of identifying themselves as Dalits since the literal meaning of this term does not imply any notion of caste, but aptly depicts the oppressed and powerless state of this community.

The Dalits or the SCs constitute about 17 per cent of the total Indian population (India, 1991). A majority (81.3 per cent) of them live in rural areas and only about 19 per cent of them live in urban areas. Their problems are complex. They are also cumulative in nature as they emanate out of more than one factor and each factor acts not only as a cause but also as an effect of these problems. However, they can be grouped under two major categories: untouchability and powerlessness.

Untouchability

It is believed that untouchability was born around AD 400 (Ambedkar, 1990). No one knows the reason for the origin of untouchability; all the existing theories are based on conjectures. However, it may be noted that the Dalits are culturally distinct from the rest of the Indians. They were nefariously brought under the fold of Hinduism and were also reduced to assume the position of untouchables over a period of time. Though there is more than one theory to understand how they became untouchables, our concern here is only the efforts taken to rescue them from the notion of untouchability.

No one has ever defined the concept of untouchability comprehensively. However, from the way in which it is being practised, it may be said that untouchability can not exist in the absence of either the Caste Hindus (CHs) or the Dalits since it is practiced by one group (CHs) over the other (Dalits). Untouchability is a state of mind in which the CHs believe strongly that the Dalits are unworthy of touching. It is the ways and means by which the CHs assert their social and caste purity, superiority and their rights over the Dalits. It is the ways and means by which both the CHs and Dalits are constantly reminded that the latter are unworthy for the former not only for touching but also for even approaching. It is a disease which has corrupted the minds not only of the CHs but also of Dalits and, as a result, they fail to look at individuals on rational and merit basis as fellow human beings. It directs their minds to determine the status of each individual whom they interact with only on the basis of the particular caste they belong to. They, therefore, accord superior status to the CHs and untouchable status to the Dalits.

Given this understanding of what untouchability is, all attempts to uproot this dreaded disease from the minds of both the CHs and Dalits should have focused on changing the mind set not only of the CHs but also of Dalits who were massified to believe that they were untouchables and, therefore, to be treated so.

Efforts Towards Eliminating Untouchability

A more direct attack on the practice of untouchability came as a reality since the twelfth century. The Bhakti movements opposed the practice of untouchability though they fully believed in the Varnashrama Dharma. In this regard, the efforts made during this period by Kabir, Ramanand and Raidas in the North, Chaitanya in the East, Narasinh Mehta and Tukaram in the West and Ramanuja and Basava Tukaram in South India are worth noting. The neo-Vedantic movements in the nineteenth century repre‑sented by Vivekananda, Dayananda Saraswati and the institutions they introduced such as the Brahmo Samaj and the Arya Samaj also opposed the practice of untouchability.

Later, Mahatma Gandhi also fought against the inhuman practice of untouchability in his own ways and appealed to the CHs to treat the Dalits with due respect. As a means to enhance the Dalits’ social status, he named them `Harijans’, meaning children of God. However, he fully believed in the Varna system. Accordingly, he appealed to the Dalits to carry out their traditionally assigned duties, which included scavenging and sweeping and other dirty, menial and some times no income assuring occupations, as God ordained and as the only means to attain moksha. Though his appeal to the CHs to treat the Dalits did not have much impact, his appeal to the Dalits to continue their traditional occupations had a great impact. As a result, the Dalits carried out their traditionally assigned duties despite innumerable indignities inflicted on them, and never questioned their plight. His appeal, in fact, reinforced their degraded social status.

By and large, the main concern of the advocates of the neo-Vedantic movements was more towards reviving Hinduism. For this purpose, eliminating certain evils like untouchability became indispensable. All of them were strong advocates of the Varnashrama Dharma (Oommen, 1990:258) which, in the opinion of the Dalits, is a hell to the Dalits and heaven to the CHs. It is this Dharma which makes it obligatory for the Dalits to serve the rest as the only means to enhance their position in the hierarchy of caste, at least in their next birth.

All these efforts were the efforts of non-Dalits. None of them questioned the validity of condemning, in the name of Dharma, a huge independent section of the population (Dalits) to the state of untouchables. None of them questioned the validity of forcing them to engage themselves in unclean, hazardous, menial or no income assuring occupation as the only means to eke out their livelihood. No one paid due attention to the fact that there has been a close and strong link between the unclean, filthy occupations in which a majority of the Dalits are engaged in or associated with and the notion of untouchability attached to the Dalits. Such a linkage was put into practice for centuries, and the rulers of all periods became the guardians for the same. The Dalits, thus, continued to remain untouchables.

What accrued out of the efforts of the British rule in India is also important to recall. The British rule in India basically aimed at sustaining its political hold over India and the missionaries which came much before aimed at popularising Christianity. For neither of these purposes, the participation of Dalits was considered so essential. The former did not consider the Dalits important as the Dalits were yet to realise their own power and the importance and value of the service they were rendering to the society. The latter also did not consider them important since the Dalits were already willing to embrace Christianity owing to the innumerable indignities meted out to them by the CHs. However, it is a fact that it was during the British rule in India, that the Dalits were recognised for the first time as a separate cultural entity different from the Hindus. This was done considering the uniqueness of their sociocultural life and the way they were treated by the rest. They were listed under the title `untouchables’. This mechanical separation of Dalits which portrayed the plight of Dalits did help them to some extent to better understand their socioeconomic situation and the ways in which they were exploited.

The missionaries and the British rule in India did not attempt to break the close and strong link between the defiling, unclean and under paid occupations and the notion of untouchability attached to those engaged in such occupations. As a result, the Dalits not only became economically marginalised and dependent, but they also internalised the notion of untouchability accorded, the social discrimination meted out to them, and the justification given for the same. In the process, carrying out the inhuman tasks of manually removing and carrying the human and animal wastes and dirts became an unquestionable duty for Dalits and forcing Dalits to perform such tasks became an unquestionable right for the rest. These movements did not make any effort to awaken the Dalits to fight on their own against the practice of untouchability and for their self-respect and dignity. The Dalits, thus, never questioned their plight and were, over a period of time, reduced to the state of an unthinkable, untouchable and unapproachable agglomeration.

Dalit Movements

By the turn of the nineteenth century, the Dalits began to organise themselves into protest movements in different parts of India. The focus of these regional level movements was primarily against the unclean, defiling, unpaid or underpaid and hazardous occupations ascribed to the Dalits, and the notion of untouchability attached to them.

These movements included the Satnami Movement (1820-1830) of Madhya Pradesh; the Adi-Dharm Movement (early nineteenth century) of Punjab; the Ezhavas or Iravas Movement (early nineteenth century) of Kerala; the Nadar Movement (1920s) of Tamil Nadu; Ambedkar’s Movement (from 1920 onwards), and the Dalit Solidarity Programme (from 1992) as an All-India movement. These are the movements in which not only the initiators or the leaders were Dalits but the members or the participants of these movements were also Dalits. The participation of non-Dalits in these movements has been minimal and most often nil.

Although all these regional level movements attempted to uproot the notion of untouchability, the advocates of these movements differed in their perception of the problem and in the strategies they adopted. Some felt that the caste system per se was not bad, but the practice of untouchability being sanctioned in the caste system was bad. Their focus, therefore, was only to uproot untouchability and not the caste system itself. Those who perceived so were often the non-Dalits.

Yet some others also perceived that caste per se was not bad, but they felt that the position given to Dalits in the caste ladder was bad. They, therefore, strove to elevate the Dalits from the given position in the caste hierarchy. They felt that they are to be placed much above in the caste hierarchy. They felt that by elevating the Dalits to a higher position in the caste hierarchy, they could come out of the notion of untouchability attached to them. The approach of the Nadar Movement of Tamil Nadu, and the Ezhavas or Iravas Movement of Kerala are examples to such attempts. Though both the Nadars (traditionally known as Chaanan) and the Ezhavas were toddy tappers, the strategies they adopted in their struggle differed. The Chaanan of Tamil Nadu labelled themselves as Nadar (ruler) and claimed the Kshatriya status in the caste hierarchy, and also concen‑trated much on enhancing not only their economic status but also their political power. As a result, the notion of untouchability attached to them disappeared. They are no more identified as untouchables. They have become a role model for other Dalits (Hardgrave, 1969: 81). The non-Nadar or Chaanan Dalits, who have migrated to urban areas tend to identify themselves as Nadars as a means to conceal their stigmatised untouchable identity.

The focus of the Ezhavas Movement, under the leadership of Guru Narayana Swamy, was more on getting access to all those rituals and other religious services which were denied to them under the Hindu fold. Though they did not go out of Hinduism, they created a structure parallel to Hinduism and made everything available to them, which were denied to them in Hindu temples. Their efforts towards enhancing their economic status and achieving political power were relatively less. Thus the extent of success achieved by the Ezhavas in eliminating their stigmatised identity was also relatively less. However, it is a fact that they could at least blur the notion of untouchability attached to them (Shah, 1990: 110). The reason for this relatively less success achieved by the Ezhavas could perhaps be attributed to their lack of focus on enhancing their economic and political powers.

The claim of Jatavas, an untouchable caste of Agra, for Kshatriya status by the end of nineteenth century was also an attempt to undo their stigmatised identity. But this movement did not last for a longer period and could not succeed in achieving its goals. There were also attempts to imitate the lifestyles of upper castes by the lower castes as a means to protect themselves from the notion of untouchability (Ambedkar, 1979; Lynch, 1969).

Yet some others felt that the caste system, in itself, was bad and, therefore, had to be uprooted. This was and is the perception of most of the Dalits and their movements. They feel that as long as there is a caste system, there would be upper castes and lower castes and also unjust distribution of power and status between the two caste groups. Some Dalit movements looked back at their roots and identified themselves as a separate cultural entity and attempted to associate themselves with their `lost’ identity disassociating from and protesting against their present identity as untouchables under the Hindu fold. An example of this kind of attempt was the Adi-Dharm Movement. The Adi-Dharm Movement was the movement of the Churas of Punjab. Dissatisfied with the social status accorded to them in the Hindu social order, the Churas, one of the SCs, identified their roots with what was known as `Adi-Dharm’. It was an independent religion-like system, found in the early twentieth century. The members of this movement demanded that they should be recognised as Adi-Dharmis and not as Hindu untouchables. But this again turned out to be another unsuccessful movement since there emerged a division among them on the basis of sub-castes. And many renounced their association with Adi-Dharm and embraced other egalitarian religions (Juergensmeyer, 1982: 80).

For the same reason of uprooting the caste system and the notion of untouchability, some other Dalits created a religion of their own which was different from Hinduism. The Satnami Movement. founded between 1820 and 1830, is an ideal example. Its founder, Ghasi Das, a Chamar by caste (SCs), returned to his fellow caste people one day after the traditional sojourn in the wilderness bearing certain dramatic revelations. He said that all individuals were equal irrespective of caste, and there was only one God – the God of the true name or `Satnami’. He appointed himself as the head priest and forbade the worship of Hindu deities, the rituals associated with it and consumption of liquor, tobacco and meat. The popularity of this movement came down drastically after the death of Ghasi Das in 1850. No significant effort was made in this movement to enhance the economic status of its followers. It could not sustain a long lasting impact on the Chamars’ stigmatised identity.

The Pulayas of Kerala resorted to conversion as a means to end their problem of untouchability. The Pulayas’ conversion to Christianity began by the seventeenth century and got strengthened by the early twentieth century. They resorted to protest against the practice of untouchability in the early twentieth century. Influenced by the Nadar Movement and also by the Ezhavas Movement, the Pulayas protested not only against the inhuman practice of untouchability and political disenfranchisement but also against economic exploitation. They took shelter under the umbrella of Christianity in large numbers for their physical, economic and social security. But even conversion did not help them much to come out of the tyranny of the caste system and the notion of untouchability (Mathew, 1986: 97-119).

Out of the very many things that Ambedkar, a Mahar Dalit, did for the cause of his fellow Dalits, his conversion to Buddhism, was an important decision. He felt strongly that there would be no scope for Dalits to have a dignified social life as long as they remained within the fold of Hinduism. He did so with a view to rescue the Dalits of Maharashtra from the notion of untouchability. He renounced Hinduism and embraced Buddhism at the fag end of his life on October 14, 1956, at Nagpur, Maharashtra, along with thousands of his fellow Dalits. But even after conversion the condition of Dalits remain very much the same today. These converts are now identified as neo-Buddhists which, in another word, is nothing but untouchables. However, Ambedkar’s contribution to Dalits in general and to the Mahars in particular to assert for their rights, self-respect and dignity is immense and laudable (Rao, 1979: 216). It may, however, be noted that most of those who embraced Buddhism were Mahars and others did not resort to this means. It therefore, merely remained a Mahar conversion movement.

The Pallars, one of the militant Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu, resorted to conversion to Islam as the last resort not only to put an end to the innumerable indignities inflicted on them but also to come out of the stigmatised untouchable identity imposed on them by the CHs. The Pallars of Meenakshipuram in Tirunelveli District, and of Attiyuttur and Kooriyur in Ramanathapuram District embraced Islam renouncing their mechanical affiliation with Hinduism. The Pallars from Thanjavur and Kanyakumari Districts and Gudiyattam taluka also followed the same path (Swarup, 1986: 14). Though the Dalits who have converted to Islam enjoy an extent of social respect much more than that of their fellow Dalits remaining in Hinduism, they are not fully integrated into the Muslim community where a caste like system is already operating from within (Ahmed, 1973). In order to keep up the newly achieved social status as Muslims, the Pallars have to keep a distance from their close relatives and fellow Dalits. In that sense, the Dalits converted to Islam also do not have access to free social interaction, and suffer from the notion of untouchability. The experience of all these movements, in fact, reiterates the fact that even `conversion’ has not been found to be the correct means to free the Dalits from the notion of untouchability imposed on them.

Constitutional Remedy

Besides inculcating in the minds of the Dalits the fact that they are not born untouchables, but are forced nefariously and covertly into such a state, Ambedkar, being the architect of the Indian Constitution, could bring a Constitutional ban on the practice of untouchability. According to Article 17 of the Constitution of India, `Untouchability is abolished, and its practice in any form is forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability shall be punishable in accordance with the law’. Subsequently, the Untouchability Offenses Act, 1955, was also passed. Considering the ineffectiveness of this law, it was amended in 1976 and renamed as the Protection of Civil Rights (PCS) Act, 1955. Yet another Act known as the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, has also been passed. But untouchability is practiced even today in extensive regions in India (India, 1988:6). The main reasons being that a majority of the Dalits are not even aware of such provisions. Even those who are aware of such provisions, do not have the courage to make use of such provisions owing to the possible dire consequences from the CHs. Moreover, the custodians of these laws are often the CHs and they do not want such laws to be implemented in any way as they go against the interest of their fellow CHs.

Powerlessness

The second major problem that the Dalits are faced with is their state of powerlessness. The Dalits are deprived the power that ensures them physical strength and security, economic independence, self-respect and dignity, and equal opportunity in all endeavours.

Physical and Economic Strength

It has been a fact that in India those who are socially oppressed are also economically marginalised. In other words, people belonging to the higher castes also belong to the higher class (the rich) and people belonging to lower castes belong to the lower class (the poor). According to the 1991 Census (India, 1991), about 76 per cent of the SC workers are agricultural workers. Out of the total SC agricultural workers, about 50 per cent are agricultural labourers and only about 33 per cent are cultivators. Among the cultivators, as high as 73 per cent are marginal farmers with an average of less than 2.50 acres of land. Another 13 per cent of them are landless households. Nearly about 86 per cent of the SC households, in 1991, are landless and near landless. It has been noted that nearly 63 per cent of the SC households have to resort to wage employment to earn a major part of their livelihood (Thorat, 1996). Due to their poor economic condition, the Dalits, in general cannot afford adequate and good quality food for their daily consumption. As a result, they are often physically weak. However, the labourious tasks that they carry out, in order to eke a livelihood, is beyond their physical strength. This further affects their physical and mental health, particularly at the later period of their life. Since most of the Dalits live in abject poverty and mostly depend on CHs to earn their livelihood, they are not in a position to express their dissatisfaction over the kind of treatment meted out to them by the CHs. Thus, though they are treated as untouchables and are subject to all kinds of humiliation, they seldom protest.

Though the process of pregnancy and child birth remains the same for all women, the quality and quantity of food (which play a predominant role in determining the physical and mental well-being of both the expectant mother and later the child) that the expectant mothers have access to vary from individual to individual on the basis of the caste they belong to. The health of the pregnant and lactating women, who cannot afford adequate quality food is bound to be weak and as a result, her child’s physical and mental health is also affected. Infant mortality is very high among mothers suffering from under nutrition, (see Gopalan, 1980).

Dalits Divided

For the reasons mentioned above, the Dalits at the individual level are physically weak and thus their strength to fight against the oppressive forces becomes highly limited. However, this problem can be resolved if all such individuals are brought together as one independent section of the population. This has been a major challenge since the beginning of the Dalit struggle.

The Dalits, who constitute only about 16 per cent of the total Indian population, are divided further both horizontally (class divisions) and vertically (sub-caste divisions). The Dalits are often in negligible numbers in villages with the CHs being a majority. Though the Indian villages are glorified even by Mahatma Gandhi as `little Republics’ where there is total freedom for every individual to pursue his/her talents and interests towards a bright future and where the self-respect and dignity and the physical security of every individual is protected, in reality, the Indian villages have been an oppressive force as far as Dalits are concerned.

In villages, everything is determined on the basis of caste. For Dalits, there are restrictions within the village on whom they can and can not interact with; on what issues and at what level they can be raised; on where they can and cannot move around; and on resources they have access to. For example, within the village boundary the Dalits cannot use footwear, they cannot use an umbrella and cannot even ride a bicycle. They do not have free access to public wells and bathing and burning ghats, streets, roads, tea stalls, and even schools, places of worship and so on. Anyone violating this imposed restrictions are dealt with dire consequences by the CHs.

Despite these exploitations in villages, the Dalits have, for long, not been able to challenge the village system effectively. It is mainly because most of them are landless labourers and are fully depend on the CHs to earn their livelihood. The Dalits are divided also on account of the existence of caste hierarchy and practice of untouchability among them. The Pallars, one of the SCs in Ramnathapuram District of Tamil Nadu consider the Parayars and Chakkiliars as low caste people and discriminate against them. This practice is common in almost all the states although the rigidity with which untouchability and caste discrimination is observed may have variations. Thus, the notion of caste hierarchy among Dalits also stands as a stumbling block in their unity and solidarity.

Yet another important reason due to which the Dalits are divided is that though they constitute more than 16 per cent of the total Indian population, they have been placed in most of the villages in such a way that they constitute only a negligible percentage of the total population of the villages. Being small in numbers and also due to the fact that their fellow caste Dalits in neighbouring villages would not dare to come to their rescue, the Dalits seldom have the courage to protest against the CHs even when heinous crimes are committed against them. The Dalits in each village have remained and remain even today as a perpetual non-entity or as an entity exclusively meant for humiliation, oppression and exploitation.

Empowerment of Dalits

Any effort to empower the Dalits should first focus on uniting the divided Dalits and on providing them with adequate legal and political support. They would then be equipped with adequate knowledge and skills, and most of all, the courage to make use of these special legal provisions.

Uniting Dalits

The Dalits were and are divided on the basis of their sub-castes, regional, linguistic and religious differences. They are also divided on account of their affiliation to different political parties. Uniting them all under one roof is indeed a difficult task. Ambedkar was the first one to realise that unless the Dalits were brought together under one umbrella, they may not gain the power to uproot the caste system and the notion of untouchability. He then established the All-India Scheduled Caste Federation (AISCF) at an All-India Depressed Class Conference held in Nagpur in 1942 . AISCF was dissolved in 1957 and the Republican Party of India (RPI) was formed. The party aimed at fighting for the equality of all Indian citizens with a special provision for Dalits with a view to bringing about a balanced Indian society free from exploitation of all kinds. However, after Ambedkar, the RPI weakened gradually and most of its followers took shelter in other political parties such as the Congress, which had a political hold in most parts of India. Subsequently, friction within the RPI also became a reality and these frictions could not be sorted out even during the post-Independence period.

Though the RPI emerged as a major political wing of Dalits, it could not sustain its popularity beyond a particular time and place – Maharashtra. The performance of its elected leaders in legislature and the parliament in mustering political support for the cause of Dalits has also not been appreciated very much by the Dalits themselves.

In 1992, there was an attempt to bring together the Dalits across their religious, regional, linguistic, caste, political and ideological differences. This attempt was based on the fact that though the Dalits are divided on the said grounds, there exists something common (caste-based discrimination and oppression) among them all, which could bring them together. This pragmatic base for uniting Dalits was actually introduced in an important meeting in Hyderabad, attended by about 20 Dalits who were mostly intellectuals and activists belonging to different religions, regions and sub-castes. Subsequently, in 1993, over 300 individuals came together at Nagpur urging solidarity among Dalits. The meeting resulted in the formation of what was known as the Dalit Solidarity Programme (DSP). The DSP has a four-item agenda: bring solidarity among Dalits belonging to different religions, regions and sub-castes; work in close association with the indigenous people (tribals) so as to help each other in resolving their common problems; bring necessary changes in the curriculum of the present education system which perpetuates hierarchy and inequality; and internationalise the problems of Dalits.

In order to fulfil these four objectives various programmes of awareness building and conscientisation have been organised under the banner of the DSP at various levels since 1993. Initially, these meetings were organised first at the national level, and later at the state and the district levels. Though, concientising Dalits through meetings and lectures is feasible in urban areas, in rural areas it may not be that easy. There could be stiff opposition from the upper castes against such programmes and there could be further oppression on and aggression against Dalits leading even to bloodshed and loss of lives. Whether the DSP would be able to ensure protection for Dalits at this stage is still an issue for debate.

The foregoing pages indicate that the Dalits attempted to organise themselves into protest movement in various ways, in order to make themselves powerful enough not only to protect themselves from atrocities inflicted on them, but also to take back their social, economic and political rights. Though each of these attempts was unique and directed towards achieving equality and justice, no single movement could achieve its goals completely. This necessitates a look into other ways in which empowering Dalits was attempted.

Constitutional Safeguards and Empowerment of Dalits

The Indian Constitution has provided a number of provisions with a view to safeguarding and securing the political, educational, employment and also economic rights of the SCs and STs. The `Reservation Policy’ was an important aspect of such provisions. The policy of reservation was formally introduced in 1950. It has three components:

(i) Political reservation ensuring representation of the SC and ST candidates in the Parliament and State Legislatures;

(ii) Educational reservation ensuring admission to the SC/ST candidates in all educational institutions including engineering and medical colleges; and

(iii) Job reservations ensuring representation of the SC/ST candidates in all government departments and other public sector undertakings.

According to this policy, the SCs and STs are now entitled for 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent reservations respectively in each of the three said areas of activities.

Under Articles 330 and 332 of the Constitution seats are reserved for the SCs and STs in the Parliament and State Legislatures in proportion to their population. Initially, this provision was valid only for a period of 10 years from the commencement of the Constitution and it was extended, under Article 334, after every 10 years. Now this provision is to continue till the year 2000 A.D. Accordingly, 79 and 40 seats out of the total of 544 seats in Lok Sabha are reserved for the SCs and STs respectively and of the 3997 seats in the Legislative Assemblies of all the states, 557 and 315 seats are reserved for the SCs and STs respectively. (India, 1988: 532-36). There is no reservation of seats in the Rajya Sabha and the State Councils (Vidhan Parishad).

Similarly, under the policy of reservation, all educational institutions which receive financial assistance from the Government of India, either fully or partially, are supposed to reserve 15 per cent for the SC and 7.5 per cent seats for the ST candidates (together 22.5 per cent) while admitting students for various programmes of study. This provision is ensured under Articles 15(14) and 29 of the Indian Constitution.

Reservation for the members of the SCs and STs in government services has been ensured under Articles 16(4) and 335 of the Indian Constitution. Accordingly, reservation in services has been extended to public sector enterprises, nationalised banks, statutory and autonomous bodies and institutions receiving grants-in-aid from the Government of India or the State Government and Union Territories for the purpose. The percentage of reservation in the States and Union Territories vary depending on the actual percentage of the SC and ST population in the concerned state or Union Territory.

Keeping in view, the socioeconomic backwardness of the SCs and STs and the lack of availability of eligible candidates to fill up the required number of posts, the SCs and STs have been given certain concessions such as relaxation in age limit, minimum percentage of marks/grades and number of years of work experience required. In matters of promotion, a roster system is to be followed with a view to enabling more SC and ST candidates to get promoted in services.

To ensure proper representation of the SC and ST candidates in all the three areas of activities, there is a provision for appointing a liaison officer, and for establishing special cells. Under Article 338, a Commissioner for the SCs and STs is appointed to monitor all matters relating to the SCs and STs. Besides, a Commission for the SCs and STs replacing the role of the said Commissioner has been set up to investigate all matters pertaining to SCs and STs.

Special Economic Development Programmes

A major proportion of the SC population is engaged in the unorganised sector of the economy particularly in agriculture and allied activities. A large number of them are agricultural labourers whose income is not sufficient even to meet their basic needs.

Since most of the SCs depended on land to earn their livelihood, a few policy measures were introduced to help them acquire lands and also to protect the minimum quantum of land that they had. The National Land Reform Policy, the National Policy of Tenancy Reforms and Tree Patta Schemes (India, 1988: 254-66) were the policy measures which were of some use to the SCs.

Besides these schemes, there are loan schemes for the SCs and STs with 50 per cent subsidy for starting dairy, piggery and goatery farms. The same facility is also extended for initiating other self-employment programmes such as tailoring, motor and television repairing and so on, and for these purposes vocational training is also extended to them free of cost. Moreover, the National Housing Policy gives special emphasis on allotting houses and house-sites to the SCs and also provides them financial assistance for the same in both urban and rural areas.

The SCs have also been equipped with a legal weapon such as the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 and Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, to punish those practicing untouchability and committing atrocities on them. Under this Act, the offender shall be punished with an imprisonment of not less than six months, extendable up to five years with fine. The offenses of custodial rape, highway robbery and house breaking carry a maximum punishment of 10 years under this Act. This Act also provides external and collective fine for forfeiture of property of the SCs and STs (India, 1990: 55). Realising the fact that nearly 83 per cent of the bonded labourers were SCs and needed to be released from the clutches of landlords, the bonded labour system was abolished under the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976. What is the fall out of these provisions?

Effectiveness of Constitutional Provisions

The effectiveness of various Constitutional provisions on SCs may be viewed in terms of the extent to which each of these provisions could enable the Dalits to fight for their rights, and to protect themselves from all forms of exploitations.

With regard to political reservation, it has been observed that this provision enables the SCs to get elected to State Legislatures and the Parliament, but the elected leaders’ say in decision making, be it at the village or district or at the state or the national level, is never given due importance and consideration. Similar is the attitude of each and every political party in which they are members. The elected SC leaders are often used by their upper caste political leaders to meet their own political and personal needs (Narayanan, 1986: 85). These elected leaders are often unable to effectively articulate the interests of the SCs both in the parliament and the State Assembly. However, it seems this situation cannot continue any more as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), a political party founded by Mr. Kanshi Ram, a Dalit leader, has emerged as a major force repre‑senting the Dalit cause. The BSP, though emerged recently, has been powerful enough to muster support of other political parties over issues concerning the Dalits. It was this party which could make Ms. Mayawati, a Dalit woman, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1996. This is a victory in the history of Dalit struggle and is a surprise in the Indian political scenario. Though Ms. Mayawati’s government lasted only for a few months, it vividly portrayed the emerging Dalit consciousness to the dominant political forces and to the dominant castes and asserted that their presence cannot be ignored by any political party.

The provision relating to education has contributed to the educational advancement of the Dalits or the SCs. Though, over the years there has been a gradual increase among the SCs in their enrollment not only for primary education but also for secondary and higher education, the percentage of enrollment declined as the level of education increased (see Ram, 1995: 108). Though, there has been a gradual increase in the SCs’ literacy rate over the years, the gap between the non-SCs and SCs in their educational achievement is still very wide. While the literacy rate for all communities, excluding the SCs and STs was 27.9 per cent in 1961, 33.8 per cent in 1971 and 41.3 per cent in 1981, for the SCs it was only 10.37 per cent in 1961, 14.7 per cent in 1971 and 21.48 per cent in 1981 (India, 1988:290).

With regard to job reservation, it has been found that although there has been an increase in the representation of the SCs in different categories of government services, there is still a significant backlog of posts to be filled particularly in Group A and B categories of posts. By September 1989, about 4800 reserved posts in Groups A, B, C and D services were found vacant. It was then decided to fill up all reserved posts through the `Special Recruitment Drive’. Ban on the de-reservation of posts was also introduced to stop the reserved posts from being converted into general category posts. Yet, a significant number of posts in Group A and B services remain vacant (Ramaiah, 1989: 12-13). It may also be noted that many reserved posts remain vacant on the pretext of `not finding suitable candidates’ though many SC candidates with adequate qualification and experience are hunting for employment.

The various special economic development programmes introduced, particularly in rural areas, have also not yielded the expected results. The loan facilities and self-employment schemes more often have not reached the needy persons, and are often being used by the upper castes and in some cases even by the rich among the SCs.

With regard to the protection of SCs from atrocities, the available data indicate that atrocities on SCs continue to increase both in number and intensity, although a marginal decline has been noticed in recent years. The number of registered cases consistently rose from 2911 during 1955-60 to 75681 during 1981<196>85. The number declined to 48950 during 1986-90 and further declined to 28796 during 1991-92 (see Ram, 1995: 274). In any case, these figures alone do not reflect the magnitudes of the problem as most of the incidents of atrocities go unreported for various reasons. The most commonly attributed reason for the ever increasing atrocities on the SCs is the unequally organised social structure, social interactions, and unequal institutional arrangements of both material and non-material goods and services. Atrocities on the SCs are also due to the special provisions like reservations given to them, the emergence of limited elites among the SCs and their refusal to adhere to the undue demands advanced by the CHs which they had been making all along.

These data indicate that in relative terms there has been a declining trend in the recent past in the number of atrocities on the SCs. But in absolute terms, the SCs are still the day-to-day realities and the nature of atrocities and discrimination are more subtle these days than ever before.

It is also understood from these data that due to the various efforts taken by the Dalit leaders in the past and present and the special provisions provided in the Indian Constitution, many members belonging to the SCs have been able to go to schools and colleges and hold white-collar and professional jobs. A few of them, particularly in urban areas, have improved their standard of living which is in some way better than that of many CHs. Some of them have been elected legislators at various levels and a few among them have even become Ministers. The high caste candidates seeking elections to legislative bodies do approach the SC Ministers for a variety of favours (Srinivas, 1992: 223). Over and above, it has been observed that the Constitutional provisions have generated self-confidence among the SCs to the extent that they have begun to assert their rights and a place of honour in the society. They have begun to refrain from carrying out their traditional duties. They have also begun to reject the centuries old stigmatised untouchable identity ascribed to them (India, 1988:6). This assertion of Dalits have indeed resulted in more atrocities on them and if such a situation is allowed to continue, it is feared that by the year 2000 all the 5,50,000 villages of the country would become mini battlefields for inter-caste violence between the SCs and the CHs. But from the point of view of building an egalitarian society, Srinivas (1992:24) maintains that `if social conflict is indespensible to the improving of the living condition of SCs, then its presence is healthier sign than its absence’.

Challenge to the Social Work Profession

The above view of Srinivas (1992) raises a challenging question particularly to the social work profession which is based on the principle of `help the people help themselves’ and which is supposed to deal with human social problems more closely and effectively. More often than not, the professional social workers, particularly those in leading social work institutions and who also play a major role in formulating policies for the protection and development of Dalits, tend to comprehend that the main problem affecting the Dalits is their economic backwardness, though in reality what affects them the most is the caste based discrimination and oppression.

The issues relating to caste, in general, and the problems of Dalits, in particular, has hardly been the concern of professional social workers. So far, it is only the sociologists and social scientists who have dealt with the problems of Dalits, though it indeed needs the intervention of professional social workers more than any other. The focus and concern of professional social workers and the social work discipline have so far been only in the fields of health, education, income generation, rehabilitation and resettlement, adoption, family and child welfare, youth welfare, and recently also in the field of gender sensitisation and environment protection. Working towards the emancipation of Dalits has so far remained outside the purview of social work profession.

Although, the social work profession has a few scientific methods to deal effectively with human problems such as social casework, group work, social action, community organisation and social work research, it has so far been using only casework, group work, social work research and to some extent community organisation. It seldom uses the social action method even to resolve a problem for which application of social action method is indispensible. For using social action as a method to deal effectively with a given problem, the social worker should be prepared to take a greater risk and also face the after effects. More often than not professional social workers are not prepared for it. An issue like caste discrimination automatically calls for the application of the social action method since it is a situation in which the members of one caste abuse another. Putting an end to this abuse automatically makes it necessary to mobilise the Dalits to protest against the CHs’ discriminatory practices, behaviour, and attitude.

In India the professional social workers are also part of the caste system and to a great extent they too are not free from caste prejudices. Unless they are freed from their caste prejudice, they cannot intervene meaningfully with full commitment and conviction in dealing with the problems faced by the Dalits. Scientific ways and means should be devised and evolved in order to free such minds from caste bias and prejudices.

The NGOs which employ professional social workers and claim to be working for the cause of Dalits, also do not seem to be free from caste prejudices. The gainer in all developmental efforts is often the NGOs and not its target groups – the Dalits. In general, the NGOs working in villages neither have the commitment to take up issues relating to Dalits, nor have they had access to professional social workers trained in dealing with such sensitive issues courageously. However, there are a few NGOs doing a commendable work in safeguarding the interests of Dalits. What kind of strategies and methods such NGOs adopt can be a source of knowledge and inspiration for the social work practitioners.

There has hardly been any attempt to document the experiences of social workers or the NGOs having professionally trained social workers dealing with caste related issues. Social work research should focus on documenting the experiences of those Dalits attempting to break up all barriers erected around them in the name of caste through the Constitutional provisions, and by organising themselves into movements against all forms of injustices inflicted on them. Considering the fact that the social work intervention is more relevant and crucial in resolving the problems of Dalits, research needs to be carried out on the extent to which the social work institutions and social work professionals (both, social work teachers and practitioners) are free from caste prejudices, and committed to work for the cause of Dalits. Can the existing methods of social work practice such as casework, group work, community organisation, social action, social work research and social work administration be adequate enough to deal with problems of Dalits? Or do new methods need to be evolved, or should there be some modification in the existing methods? These moot questions are yet to be answered. Besides, the experience of a few NGOs which focus mainly on safeguarding the interest of Dalits should be shared at a wider level particularly in terms of the strategies and methods they adopt while dealing with such issues. Research in these areas are of immense importance now.

It is high time that the issues relating to Dalits were looked under a separate specialisation instead of considering it merely as one of the components of social stratification in villages. The curriculum should be developed in such a way that it gives a holistic picture of how even the basic human rights of Dalits are violated and how Dalits are forced to adhere meekly to all indignities perpetrated on them in the name of Karma, Dharma, patriotism and non-violence. The syllabus should also emphasise the need of every law abiding citizen to respect his or her fellow human beings and their culture. This specialisation should enable both the non-Dalits and the Dalits to come out of their caste prejudices and the hatred that they have developed against each other over the years. The course should equip all the social work students with adequate knowledge of legal measures like the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act), 1989, and the various developmental measures like the Reservation Policy and economic development programmes available for the protection and promotion of Dalits. It should also incorporate the history of Dalits’ struggle for justice and the various strategies they adopted for the same. Social work input to students should be such that it drives them out of their caste prejudice and enthuses them to work with commitment and sincerity towards restoring justice, self-respect and dignity to Dalits.

Conclusion

The foregoing discussion brings to light that the efforts of non-Dalit individuals and institutions could not bring a significant change, either in the outlook or in the economic status of Dalits. All of them were advocates of the caste system. There was also no effort to awaken the Dalits to fight for their rights. The efforts of Dalit individuals and institutions in elevating the status of Dalits differed in their very understanding of the problem and also in their approach to resolve the same. They opposed untouchability and were of the opinion that unless the caste system was uprooted, untouchability would continue to exist. They also resorted to various means to concealing, eliminating and sometimes blurring their stigmatised paidentity. However, they could not succeed in such attempts since they suffered not only social deprivation, but also economic deprivation. They had to depend on the CHs, both, for their economic and physical security. However, with the support of Constitutional safeguards and special provisions, the Dalits have begun to show improvement in many aspects of power and status like education, white collar jobs and political power which have been the monopoly of the CHs all along. They have also begun to assert their rights collectively as equal citizens of India and have begun to protest against all forms of injustices inflicted on them. As a result, inter-caste violence has become a frequent phenomenon in many parts of rural India.

What kind of impact would such caste conflicts have on the Indian sociopolitical system is an important issue to be watched closely and carefully in order to have timely intervention and avoid human and material loss. This ever increasing caste conflicts are indeed a challenge, particularly to the social work profession since it deals with human social and psychological problems more closely than any other profession. The social work profession should make sincere efforts to devise new methods or make necessary modifications in the existing social work methods to deal effectively with the problems of Dalits. These methods should be used first of all for the social work educators to come out of their prejudice against the Dalits before advocating the same for the students and others concerned.

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