Indian Journal of Dalit and Tribal Studies and Action, Vol.3, Issue 1, No.3 pp.39 to 52, April, 2018

Anup Hiwrale

Abstract

Mang is one of the major castes, that ranks second highest as per the various census enumerations of the population of the SCs in Maharashtra. Historically, they are regarded as the untouchable caste and are also known as ‘Matang’. Amongst the untouchables themselves Mangs happen to be the lowest ones in caste hierarchy. The present paper analyzes the position of the Mangs in caste system and how they have been discriminated on the grounds of their caste position. Majority of the Mangs are illiterate and least mobilized community even comparing to the other untouchable caste communities in Maharashtra such as Mahars and Chambhars. The paper examines the process of change and transformation of the Mang community after the independence of India. After independence, the SCs became more mobile and transformative due to the new opportunities made available to them through certain specific constitutional provisions. However, many castes among SCs show a sort of lag behind situation in the process of larger changes and transformations that occurred since independence. The paper analyze the de facto position of the Mangs in Maharashtra, where the Dalit politics played an important role for the development of SCs notwithstanding the fact that not all the SCs developed equally in their social, economic and political parameters of caste life.

Keywords: Dalit, Mang, Scheduled Caste, Untouchability, Discrimination etc.

Introduction

Caste had been attracting the attention of Western as well Indian scholars to understand the Indian reality. It was the first time; western scholars started making the sense of caste, many Indian scholars also dealt with issues of castes, conducted inquiry and defined it (Ketkar 1909). Endogamy is hold very strong position in defining caste and other features of it losing its importance due to change. Every sections of the Indian population have been in the process of change. Caste is privately enclosed, but publically open. Private life of individuals is still governed by the rules of caste. The public nature of caste is changing due to changes in social, economic, political, cultural and technological conditions. Caste is also the core of psychological phenomenon of social groups. Caste psychology is deep-rooted in the mind of people, privileged as also discriminated. Upper castes are privileged and SCs are discriminated using caste as a tool.

The Scheduled Castes are also changing in the 21^st century and there has been a significant change in their position, but not as compared to the other higher caste groups. The process of change is very slow among them, due to the continued discrimination and confrontation. The Scheduled Castes are not a homogeneous group, being segregated into separate endogamous communities with its own distinct tradition and culture in Maharashtra or in India (Burra 1986). They have been identified by different names such as Dalit, Scheduled Castes, Harijan and Untouchables etc. Dalit is a common identity and social category which includes number castes together; especially those were untouchables in 1970s, with the emergence of Dalit Panthar movement in Maharashtra. There are four major castes within the schedule castes such as Mahar, Mang, Chambhar and Dhor, each caste has their sub-castes. The Mangs are one of the second largest Scheduled Castes in Maharashtra. They have been lowest in the hierarchy of the caste system and among Dalits. They held an important place in the affairs and ‘Balutedar’ system of the village, but still they are most suppressed and neglected educationally, economically and politically in Maharashtra. The Chambhar (shoe-maker) are considered a holds rank highest among the untouchable castes, Mahar comes next and the lowest are the Mangs (Karve 1958). The Mangs were considered ritually inferior to the Mahars (Burra 1986). They constitute 32.6 per cent of the total Scheduled Caste population in Maharashtra (Chitnis 1972).

History of Mangs

They have known as Mang or Matang in Maharashtra with second highest population in SCs¹. There are listed 59 castes comes under the category of SCs in Maharashtra. It is important to understand that how a social group caste or attached the hierarchy of the caste system. There is not historical account it but there is a mythological story which narrates that how a particular group came into existence within the Hindus society. Each caste group has a particular purusha or totem attached a group². There is a mythology of the Mangs that, they were the descendent of ‘Matang Rishi’. Today, they have been identified themselves as Matang, because they followed Matang Rishi. Originally, they were identified as Mang (Khadase 1990:25). Historically, the word ‘Mang’ is prevalent since 13th century in the medieval period of Marathi region. It has been argued that, the Mang came to be into existence from the union of Brahmin women and Shudra men (Shinde 1976:105). Etymologically, the meaning and origin of the word ‘Mang’ means ‘the one who creates terror without weapons’ or ‘a person who has a power’ (Mande 1983:4). Traditionally, the Mang’s beg during an eclipse, because the demons ‘Rahu and Ketu’, who are believed to swallow the sun and moon on such occasion. They both were the Mangs, and devout Hindus give alms to their fellow caste men in order to appease them. Anthropologist believes that, the Mangs caste must have been originated from the tribal’s (Russell and Hiralal 1916).

Mahars and Mangs were not allowed within the gates of Poona between 3 pm and 9 am because before nine and after three, because their bodies caste too long a shadow which falling on a member of the higher caste, especially Brahmins under the rule of the Maratha and the Peshwas of Maharashtra (Ghurye 1957:18). The Mangs are immensely important from the cultural point of view because of their distinct social customs and practices (Somawanshi 1989:7). Every village has two parts, the quarters of the touchable and the quarters of untouchables. Geographically the two are separate. The untouchable’s quarters have a distinct name such as Maharwada, Mangwada, Chamrotti, Khatakana etc. (Ambedkar 2014:62). The Mang and Mahar are forced to live on the outskirt of the village (Ghurye 1969:30). The locality of the Mangs was known by their caste name as ‘Mangwada’ (Enthoven 1922). Historically, 16 to 25 endogamous social groups exist within the Mangs (Hassans 1920, Enthoven 1922). Presently, there are twelve and half endogamous sub-castes within the Mangs (Khadase 1990). Some of the Mangs sub-castes were also identified as criminal tribes such as Mang Garodi, Ruckwuldar or Ghatalia Mangs by the British in colonial India (Gunthrope 1882:95-104). The 1884 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency had taken a note of the hierarchy among Mangs that, they are divided on the line of purity and pollution. The pure are called ‘Asal’ means real Mang and ‘Nakali means polluted. There is hierarchy among the Mang Garudi, Pend Mangs, Holar Mangs, Mochi Mangs and Dakalwars. Dakalwars are claimed to be highest among the other sub-caste of Mangs (Watson 1884:171).

Social Mobility of Mang’s

Mahars, Mangs, Chambhars and Dhors are the untouchable castes, but not all of them were performing menial jobs. The Mahar were given the hereditary occupations in cities as well as in rural areas of Maharashtra, whereas the Mangs have taken over the functions discarded by them, both in rural and urban areas. The other communities whereas, Dhors continued to tan cattle hides and the Chambhars (leather workers) working with the skin of animals (Patwardhan 1973:67-8). The avenues of unrestricted mobility, free of ritual restrictions, are still very limited to the untouchables in the present context the overall pattern of mobility of the Untouchables castes (Gandhi 1980). The adoptability and imitation of the similar values and cultures borrowed from the immediate higher caste groups. Therefore, the graded hierarchy of the caste system operates among Mahars, Mangs, Chambhar and Dhors in Maharashtra in a typically similar pattern. The Mahar are better off than any other caste among the SCs due to their awareness and participation in Dalit movement at large. Hence, all the SCs could not build their collective consciousness for the common cause of fighting against the situated hierarchies within the structure (Srinivas 1996).

Traditionally, Mangs and Mahars were the part of ‘Balutedari’ system, and their occupational mobility was structured through the caste hierarchy in the broad Hindu social order. They were also called as ‘Balutedar’ basically lowest among the untouchables and the Mahars and the Mangs were ranked separately (Omvedt 1980). The Mahars discarded their traditional occupations based on caste after converting to Buddhism due to influence of Ambedkar movement. The decision to leave stigmatized labor was founded in the anti-caste ideas of Ambedkar. Consequentially, this void of such caste-bound, denigrated occupations was chosen by Mangs. The questions related to the rapprochement and adoptions of those forms of work were ingrained in Mahars engagement with Buddhism and Mangs affinity towards the Hindu religion (Guru 1995).

Mangs are in general and Mang women in particular are caught in the ideology of caste, which prevents them from selecting occupations that do not possess the stereotypes of caste-based labor. The superstitions that are sanctioned under the rubric of Hindu religion have resulted into the backwardness of Mangs. Their wretched conditions are aggravated by the lack of political will amongst their community as well as by the acerbic sub-caste tensions among the Dalits in Maharashtra (Patil 2013). The displacement of the Mangs can best be understood in terms of the drought situation that pushed the Mangs out of the village economy in Marathwada region (Guru 1995).

Social Change and the Mangs

Mangs are mostly comprised landless laborers and sugarcane migrant workers. They are still attached to their traditional caste occupations like rope making, broom and basket. They are also village musician. It is only recently that Mangs have started moving out of the traditional occupations of caste in the Marathwada region (Waghmore 2013:148), but also in other regions of Maharashtra. They are educationally and economically more deprived than the Mahar and Chambhar (Paik 2007). The Mangs had traditionally not owned the land and had lived mostly as bonded laborers. This practice was widely prevalent in Marathwada because of the feudal setting (Bokil 1996). Their traditional skills like rope making, baskets and broom-making kept the Mangs tied to the village economy. Though, the Mangs from the drought-prone area of Maharashtra were migrated to Bombay and other cities even before in 1947. A massive displacement of the Mangs began from 1970 onwards (Guru 1995). The Mangs are lower in status than the Mahars took up these demeaning and defiling occupations quite willingly (Gupta 1979). Now a day’s most of the Mangs are working as agricultural laborers like the Mahars, are engaged in rope-making, a few are cultivators or have other professions. The Mahars have been converted to Christianity or to Buddhism, but the Mangs still stick to their old traditions and living within the fold of Hindu religion. They are called themselves as Hindus, but their beliefs and religious practice differ from those of the high-caste Hindus o f the same area (Vetschera 1976). Caste and sub-caste groups deploy different technologies to seek social elevation within the overall hierarchy. The Mangs have adopted a new identity Matang which is a sanskritized version of the original Mang identity. But the Maharashtra segment of the study fails to capture this move and treats Mangs and Matang’s as if they are two different social entities (Guru 2008).

Phule founded the Satyashodhak Samaj [society for the search of truth] in 1873 to unite the lower castes and untouchables and fought against the tyranny of the Brahmins and higher caste (Jaffrelot 2008). Phule incurred the wrath of the Brahmins further; He opened a small drinking water tank near his house for the Mahars and Mangs. It was a revolutionary act. He brought out journals, magazines and pamphlets, wrote book after book, founded primary schools and mobilized the masses. Phule was the first to start schools for the untouchables in Maharashtra (Jadhav 1986). Phule demonstrated that, the neglect of the primary education of the Shudras, Mahars, Mangs and Muslims in the Bombay presidency. He suggested that the government should give more importance to primary and compulsory education than higher education. He stated that nearly nineteenths of the villages in the Bombay Presidency were without any provision for primary education, and stressed that the withdrawal of the government from schools would tend to check the spread of education. He also requested the government to take suitable measures to extend education to Mahars and Mangs (Chitnis 1972).

They are the most educationally and economically backward compare to the three major castes. It is because of the Mangs did not have a successful and effective leadership and haves stayed away from Ambedkar’ movement due to social and political rifts created by the ruling party and upper caste Hindu organization. Further, they continued to follow their traditional occupations of making ropes, beating drums and continue to live in rural area. The Mang caste, although being the second highest population category lags behind all as regards educational levels, including literacy (Wankhede 2001). After the Independence, Ambedkar’s had established People’s Education Society and started several schools, colleges, and dormitories or hostels specifically for the Mahars, Mangs, Chambhars, and other untouchable castes in Marathwada and towns like Aurangabad (Dharwadker 1994). Hence, Dalit are in a sense alienating themselves from a collective identity of pain, agony and trauma of centuries-old subjugation and oppression. They are systematically split and sidelined in every state with the upper caste parties vying to reap the results of this volatile division (Rao 2009:37).

Politics of Mangs (Dalit)

Dalit politics played an important role to protect the interest and development of the Dalits and marginal sections in India. The politics of Mangs also has an important role from the demographic and ideological point of view of Dalit politics of Maharashtra. The Mangs are unaware of their political and legal rights which they could have utilize for their development. They could not change their traditional occupation and moved into professional and technical education, which is now the monopoly of upper caste in urban areas. They are also follows their castes leaders such as Mahars have followed Babasaheb Ambedkar, while the Mangs rally behind Annabhau Sathe, who they consider to be the principal leader of the community (Gupta 1979). Dalits have divided not only on sub-caste line but also on party line too (Rao 2009:15).

Politics and Mobilisation of the Mangs

Historically, Mang leaders had opposed temple entry efforts of untouchable’s initiated by Ambedkar and had sided with Brahmins and Hindus. Similarly, there was an opposition to the idea of conversion to Buddhism (Paik 2007:173-187). Similarly, there was an effort from the Congress for creating an alternate leadership to Ambedkar, and fostered sharp differences among the different untouchable communities and they got widened over the years (Rao 2009:12). Mangs are considered docile for not radically revolting against traditional inequalities of caste, not converting to Buddhism, not following Ambedkar’s call for education and not giving up traditional polluting occupations of caste (Waghmore 2013:150). Ethnicization of caste in southern and western India as against sankritization in north India provided alternative non-hierarchical social imaginaries (Jeffrelot 2000). The recent conversion of the Mang community to Buddhism is also making a historical difference and may transform the collective consciousness of the Dalits in the future. Nevertheless, certain sections of Dalit women who belong to the Mangs, Dhor and Chambhar, and some Mahar women in certain areas of Maharashtra, do follow Hinduism and Christianity (Guru 1993).

The rivalry among the Mahars, Mangs and Chambhars has its origins in the history. The Mahars, Mangs and Chambhars were traditional rivals and that was due to their ritual hierarchy within the caste system. Mangs are associated with any other caste like the Marathas, Chambhars but never with Mahars under any circumstances. Traditionally, the animosity between Mangs and Mahars was because of their competition of occupational hierarchy and to win ‘Gawki’ in villages (Patwardhan & Pundalik 1962). There are ethnographic literature brings out this conflicting relationship among the untouchable caste in Maharashtra and also in other parts of India (Burra 1986). In Maharashtra, the enmities and rivalries among the three major Untouchable communities, the Mahars, Mangs, and Chambhars, had been longstanding; frequent disputes concerned rank and access to ritual privileges in which conflicting claims to “purity” were advanced (Gokhale 1986). Village level studies have shown that, the conversion affected to the Mahar caste, but the Mangs and Chambhars have remained Hindus. Buddhism heightened the distance between the ex-Mahars and the other SCs (Gokhale 1986). But most of the untouchable castes were more or less that of serf or tied to land up to the nineteenth century (Beteille 165:18).

Mahars have made the progress as compare to the other castes among the untouchables due to consciousness and change in their religion. Mang, Chambhars and Dhor are continued their hereditary traditional occupations and remained within the fold of Hinduism. Other than their traditional responsibilities to the higher castes, they have perform certain additional jobs, that included carrying and fetching services for the village headman and other government officials viz. wood-cutting, general labor on roads or on village irrigation projects or wells, and in many areas acting as general plough servants and field slaves (Omvedt 1980). They are continued to live at the periphery of the village. Varna system of caste is also provided the occupational hierarchy among the untouchables. Thus, internally these communities were traditionally divided by the antagonisms of pollution and purity (Moffatt 1979). Presently, the ‘Gawki’ is done by Mangs, but there attempts to give up the traditional work which continues to arouse caste Hindu reaction, social economic boycotts and other forms of repression in Maharashtra (Omvedt 1980).

Presently, the Mangs are also believing in Ambedkar’s ideology and following him as a leader of entire Dalit community in Maharashtra, and started celebrating the anniversary of Ambedkar and all other leaders due to influence of Dalit movement. Dalit movement played a vital role in public sphere and the making of civil society (Waghmore 2013:165). Identity needs to be understood as internal-external dialectic of identification. Therefore, the Mangs as an identity can be understood with the dialectics of Mangs, especially in connection to the other untouchable caste and their relationship and position within the caste hierarchy (Jenkins 1996:171). However, the ‘Asal means Real’ Mangs constitute a dominant majority within Mangs and are ranked higher than any other castes within Mangs. While, there are differences of sub-castes, there is also major competition amongst Mangs social and political leaders to claim sole leadership of Mangs (Waghmore 2013:149). There are sub-castes and competing political currents within the Mangs which partially explain the internal complexities of the construction of Mang identity (Waghmore 2013:150).

The concept of relative deprivation and social mobility has some relevance for the new educated employed Dalit class that is emerging from among the Mahars and Mangs of the Maharashtra. However, at the horizontal level, for the Mahars and for the Mangs the reference group is the emerging elites among both the communities. The Mahars and even the Mangs in the urban setting seem to have developed a sense of relative deprivation often reflecting the feeling of hatred, contempt and jealousy for those Mahars who according to the group under reference are more fortunate in terms of enjoying material status. This feeling of relative deprivation among the less fortunate Mahars and the Mangs is now being openly articulated (Guru 1993). Thus, by the time the Mangs arrived in the developmental process, they found it already stagnated in terms of job opportunity and other avenues of progress. Instead of understanding these processes that underlie the structure of inequality, the Mangs hold the Mahars responsible for their backwardness. This anti-Mahar feeling is inflamed by the interested parties, sometimes leading to clashes between the two communities (Guru 1995). Ambedkar also argued in Matang of conference at Sholapur in 1937 that, it is misfortunate for all of us that there is no unity among various castes such Mahar, Chambhar, Bhangi and Mang etc. the real reason for absence of this unity is the existence of caste distinction in Hindu society. If every caste sticks to its own caste for its pride, we would not be able to fight the injustice against us (Rao 2009:12).

Similarly, the feeling of relative deprivation makes the Mangs (Dalit) overlooks the connection between their backwardness and their traditional skilled occupation which had bound them within the feudal agrarian structure. The Mangs, due to the socio-economic and technological changes in Indian agriculture and also the state intervention in the condition of the Dalits in general are now being displaced from the agrarian economy and are compelled to take to the education and subsequently to seeking jobs. This compulsion and displacement is a result of the replacement of old agricultural implements which were made by the Mangs. In this situation, the Mangs are bagging behind the Mahars due to their late response to the state. Later, the state seems to have lost the capacity to accommodate these late comers in its rather obsolete network of patronage (Guru 1993). The politics of relative deprivation finds expression among the Mang elites in Maharashtra. These elites, though emerging on a very small scale are now found vocalizing the sense of relative deprivation of the common Mangs with the intention of sharing the spoils with the Mahars by forcing a bargain with the power centers.

However, the political expression of relative deprivation aimed at creating the constituency among the ignorant but innocent Mangs has surfaced in one of the state level conference organized by the Mang elites in Maharashtra. It is interesting to note that the feeling of relative deprivation with negative reference to Mahars was being articulated by the Mangs with encouragement and necessary patronage from the upper caste political forces which are alleged to be instrumental in fanning hostilities between the two communities for the electoral politics of the former in the state. The Hindutvawadi forces are trying to systematically co-opt Dalits into the Hindu fold, they are trying to co-opt other Dalits such as Mangs, Chambhars and Dhors who are by and large more inclined towards Hinduism. The Shiv Sena does this cooption by absorbing these sections into its organizational structure and certain other opportunity structures which it happens to control in the state. Moreover, the continuous grievance of Mangs who argue that the Mahars are responsible for monopolizing the reservation benefits has also been exploited by the Shiv Sena to consolidate anti-Mahar-Buddhist feelings among the Mangs and Chambhars in the state (Guru 1991). Presently, the mobilization of Mangs started around the idea of celebrating anniversary of Annabhau Sathe, Lahuji Salve and Mukta Salve as they belonged to them, are the symbols of Mang assertion and identity which have consolidated in the last twenty year. Organizations have formed around these symbols to consolidate Mang identity, which are constructed as protest icons against caste hierarchy that construct Hinduism (Waghmore 2013:152-161).

The articulation of their interest by the main Dalit parties in some of these states is responsible for this which in turn has forced some of these marginalized Dalit sub-castes to support the main non-Dalit parties of their respective regions. Thus, the Mangs have supported the upper caste-based parties like the BJP and the Congress in Maharashtra. They are divided into small-small numerous groups and yet to assert for their economic development by organizing themselves in to an autonomous political force. It is this political empowerment that is a key to social and economic empowerment. Therefore, there is a need to articulate the interests of these real Dalit-Bahujan’s (Kumar 2001). Within the scheduled caste cluster, Mahars have evoked a complex reaction. It is characterized by envy and admiration, contempt and praise. This is found among the Chambhars or Dhors or Mangs. There is a disintegration of this group and yet, it is acting as a ‘Challenge Group’ (Patwardhan 1968). After the Buddhist conversion, led by Ambedkar in 1956 at Nagpur large numbers of Dalits particularly from the Mahar caste turned away from the practices of Hinduism, while the Mangs and Chambhars were not so attracted towards Buddhism. However, a section of the Mahars continues to support the Hindutva forces. In Maharashtra, like Chambhars, Dhors and Mangs, some Mahar families particularly from Vidarbha region have been strong proponents of Hindutva (Guru 1993). Dalit intellectual attempted to trace the common ancestry of Dalits. However, these efforts were not successful in generating solidarity among the Dalits. It is because a program for working towards a practical change remained ineffective and unsatisfactory (Rao 2009:73). There is no common platform of all the Dalit castes could come together and discuss over the issues faced by each other. There is a complete mistrust and suspicious social environment against each other, which having more dangerous impact on all the communities of SCs.

It has been argued that, the contemporary Dalit politics is entangled in conflict around categorization without recognition of its distinct nature. Given the self-conscious assertion as early as 1920s, it was certain that, the emergence of relatively more develop group than any other among the SCs in every states of India. The suspension of one caste that attribute their backwardness to other Dalit castes is thus misplaced, leading to great deal of ambiguity and prejudices that have an adverse impact with great repercussion in the future on ideology of emancipation (Rao 2009:34).

Conclusion

The mobility of the Mangs is influence due to the external and internal changes in the caste system. Further, it’s impacting on the social, economical, political and educational conditions of the Mangs in Maharashtra. They have to experience worst kind of discrimination being lowest in the hierarchy of caste. The Mangs, their lack of participation in Dalit movement played an important role for the backwardness and discrimination. Mangs hold lowest position among the Scheduled Castes in Maharashtra, due to its hierarchical position within the caste systems. After independence, the policies of affirmative action have not benefited to the Mangs, because of the lack of awareness to the education and not moved away from the traditional occupations. They have not migrated to the urban areas as compare to other caste of Dalits in Maharashtra. But, there are changes in economic and education conditions of Mangs, who have migrated to the urban areas, but migrated population is very less as compare to other castes. Recently, the Mangs started their mobilization and inclined to change their educational and economic condition.

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Anup Hiwrale is Doctoral scholar working at the Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bengaluru.

IJDTSA Vol.3, Issue 1, No.3 pp.39 to 52, April, 2018