JTICI Vol.3, Issue 3, No.5 pp.66 to 83, June 2016
The Dynamics and Politics of Self-Governance Among Poumai Naga in Senapati District
Abstract
The concept of governance encompasses commitment towards democratic institutions that ensure economic, political and social security of citizens. It involves the civil society and the people as partners with the government working in collective interest. Here, citizens are not just subjects but also decision-makers. The Hill Areas in Manipur constitute about 90 percent of the total geographical area of the state. It is inhabited by different tribal groups belonging to the Nagas and Kukis. Each group have their own set of village administration which is likened to a mini republic, independent of each other, though instances of Tribal warfare against one another was not uncommon. The institution of Village Councils in Manipur especially in the context of Poumai are built upon the good traditional values, practices and management systems of the Nagas, however, there remain number of challenges that needs to be overcome to ensure equitable and participatory governance. The present study will attempt to look into Pre-British Period, Post-British Period, dynamics and politics of self-governance system among the Poumais in Manipur.
Introduction
The literal meaning of self-governance is governing oneself rather than being governed by others. The local governance is defined as the local governmental authority and the society influencing it. It is, about working together, participating in various spheres of life and the relationship that exists between administrative authorities and community groups (Park, 2003). Here, citizens are not just subjects but also the actors and the decision-makers. Historically, many communities and societies have had experiences of practicing self-governance.
The nature of Poumai society and its geographical characteristics render local governance an important agenda. The nature of local governance can be assessed and reflected in terms of how the local development plans are formulated and implemented. The local governing body cannot be autonomous until and unless it exercises its own authority to decide on local governance and development affairs. Recent contributions on the subject of good governance underscore the importance of democratic institutions. A country of vast cultural and ethnical diversity such as India, it was recognized that a uniform pattern of local administration in the form of Panchayati Raj may not be workable as provided in the 73 rd Amendment. To this end the Cabinet Mission Plan in 1946 suggested that an Advisory Committee be formed to suggest for the formation of a suitable form of local self governance for the Minorities, Tribal and Excluded Areas. Accordingly, the Constituent Assembly set up an Advisory Committee which appointed a sub-committee Known as the North East Frontier (Assam) Tribal and Excluded Areas Committee with Gopinath Bordoloi, the then Chief Minister of Assam as its chairman. The Bordoloi Committee thus formed, was of firm conviction that the tribal of Assam, who are historically and culturally different from tribes of other parts of India, should be allowed to promote and regulate their own way of life according to their free will and choice. In other words, he disposed towards formation of District Council which now operates as Autonomous District Council in north east states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and in limited form in Manipur.
In Manipur the Autonomous District Council came into being only in 1973 as a result of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District council Act, 1971. The hill areas constitute about 90 percent of the total geographical area of the state. It is inhabited by different tribal groups belonging to the Nagas and Kukis. Each group have their own set of village administration which is likened to a mini republic, independent of each other, though instances of tribal warfare against one another was not uncommon.
Likewise, Poumai Nagas are governed by customs and practices which have passed down from time immemorial. They system of governance is “geronto-domocratic” in nature, that is governed by elderly selected or elected members of the representative of each khel. The selected men of the village have authority over all its members in any kind of decision making. Both the civil and criminal cases are handled by the village authority or village council. “The decision of the old men is regarded on matters of customs is more or less final”. The customs are obligatory to all its members, and the breach of the customs is regarded as a social offence. Customs as obligatory norms became a regulation for the whole group, and they function as a mechanism to maintain harmonious relationship among its members. Until the annexation or invention of the British, the Poumai governed themselves by social customs and tradition.
While it is good that the institution of Village Councils in Manipur especially in the context of Poumai are build upon the good traditional values, practices and management systems of the Nagas. There remain a number of challenges that will need to be overcome to ensure equitable and participatory governance.
BACKGROUND OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN MANIPUR PARTICULARLY IN THE CONTEXT OF POUMAI NAGA
In Manipur, the majority of the non-tribal population lives in the valley, which comprises of about 10 percent of the total land area of the State. They account for roughly two-third of the population of the State. The valley shows a high degree of urbanization, with nearly 40 percent of the people living in urban areas. In contrast, the hill areas of the State, comprising nearly 90 percent of its area, are almost entirely rural. Though its rural population is not much less than that of the non-tribal areas, they live in scattered groups of isolated communities. Panchayats have existed in Manipur for long. However, these were confined only in the valley districts and Jiribam Sub-division. In the hill districts, there were Village Authorities almost similar to Panchayats. Quite independent of the District Councils, Manipur has established separate Village Councils, which are administered under the Manipur Hill Village Authority Act, 1956. This Act provides for village councils to be democratically elected. It also provides reservation for women representatives, much in the manner of the Panchayati Raj legislation. Local governance in Manipur particularly in the context of Poumai has its own village council and various associations to run the law and order situation among them. However, the current situation is undergoing the abysmal socio-economic conditions.
A good administration together with revival of local self-government like Hill Autonomous Districts Councils will go a long way in bringing about holistic and participatory development in the area. This will ensure strong governance wherein all the development programmes and allocated funds reach directly to the target beneficiaries. This will also further keep a check on rep-tapism, which is deep rooted in the state of Manipur and also one of the strong reasons behind under development in the tribal occupied hill district areas. Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India should be revived at the earliest and the traditional institution of chieftainship should be restricted to ceremonial purposes. Women’s political participation and gender-issues can be regarded as yet another important field to study how new forms of village governance integrate in and interact with the social background of rural communities. So far, there are only a handful of more thorough investigations of these issues. The existing literature shows that women participation in formal elections and related political activities are very minimal. Especially when it comes to female representation in institutions like the Village Council, Autonomous District Council or Party branch committee, the picture is considerably more lopsided.
POUMAI NAGAS IN CONTACT WITH THE BRISTISH
Manipur was occupied by Burma in 1818 before British advancement to Manipur. The princes of Manipur did not like Burmese occupation of Manipur. Lord Amheret declared formal war against the Burma on 24 February 1824. The princes of Manipur were eagerly waiting for this moment. It was with the help of the Manipur princes that the British forces became successful in driving away the Burmese from Jaintia and Cachar. But Manipur and the Brahmaputra valley remained still under Burmese occupation. Before 1824 the Nagas in Manipur was not conquered by any other outsider, neither Burmese nor Manipuri. Gambhir Singh expressed his willingness to advance into Manipur with 500 men who later on constituted the Manipur levy. Subsequently, the British forces entered Manipur and occupied both valley and hills. In 1832, Captain Jenkin and Pemberton escorted by Gambhir Singh and his troops forced a passage through the hills with a view of finding out a practicable route up to Assam. “The hill tribes who became independent during the war were again brought under the rule of the Manipur Government (James R.K, 1990).
During British advancement to Naga Hills, the people of Poumais were backward and completely illiterate. There was no educational institution, communication and transport were completely underdeveloped. Medium of instruction and communication between British and Poumai became a great problem in the past since the Poumai did not follow any foreign language except their own mother tongue. Therefore, they accompanied a Lambu from Maram Naga tribe for interpretation and visited the region for historical assessment. But still the interpreter was not so fluent in English and Manipuri; he might have found difficulties in the language to explain in detailed the origin of Poumai to the British officers. The Lambu from Maram wrongly informed the British that Poumai and Mao tribes have similar language, so the British wrongly recorded by clubbing the two tribes as one. Until 2003, the community title becomes a crucial controversial matter between Poumai and Mao. But we may get the accurate historical facts in the light of different Naga historical books. According to J. H. Hutton, “the Angami Naga” its community title is known as ‘Sopvoma’ which means Poumai in particular. Moreover, in the book of T. C. Hodson, “The Naga Tribes of Manipur, it was written as ‘Soproma’ similar to that of Hutton. In view of this, the claim of Poumai is a genuine case for being as Poumai Naga Tribe.
It was during the colonial rule; headhunting feud was abolished, and created in its place, modern bourgeois society. The British government was strongly against the Naga head hunting feud. Therefore, the alleged head hunter of the Naga people were sentenced to jail or even sentenced to death after the British rule. The abolition of Naga head hunting feud is a great landmark in the history of the Nagas. It brought social integration of the Poumai Naga in particular and the Nagas in general.
The British government introduced education system through Christian missionary activities in Poumai areas. Educational institutions were established from village to village. Roads were constructed in many parts of the area occupied by Naga, in the public interest. Rapid economic developments have vastly increased the horizon of the hill tribes. In the colonial period house tax towards the Poumai Naga villages was Rs. 3/- per house in a year. That was a huge amount for the farmers in the tribal areas. To earn the amount was not an easy thing in the primitive period. But it was made compulsory for every household. In case, the household could not pay the tax, a penalty was enforced. In lieu of money they even bargain for shawls, or domestic animals like cattle, pig, fowl, etc. As a result every household took the risk of the tax levy throughout the Poumai Village.
THE INSTITUTION OF GAONBURA (POST BRITISH):
The British introduced the institution of Gaonbura in the Naga inhibited areas and it is still prevalent in the state of Nagaland. They perform the role of collecting house tax; they continue to wear red woolen shawl given to them during the British period. Even today, they were given the responsibility to look after the legal system. However, the Gaonburas power in the tribal area of Manipur state had decline in the early 1970s. Though Gaonburas (GB) exist in the tribal area in Manipur they were less effective in administrative and judiciary affairs. All the administrative and judiciary power have been transferred to the Village Council or Village Authority after the village Authority Act was passed by the Government of Manipur in 1956. Now the Gaonbura in the Naga inhibited area in Manipur is just merely assisting the Village Authority.
Election and composition of the Gaonburas:
The Gaonburas are nominated by the respective clan or sub-clan members. There is a Gaonbura in each clan of the village. The nomination takes place in a public gathering especially called for the purpose. Then the name is proposed and seconded by another member. The opinion of the public is also taken into account by rising of hands. And whoever gets the maximum response is elected as the next Gaonbura. His name is then forwarded to the office of the Deputy Commissioner in consultation with the village council for appointment.
The Gaonbura is usually an elderly man. He is selected based on his oratory skills, intelligence, knowledge, patience, experience, diplomacy and honesty. He is expected to bear a good moral character and have sound knowledge of various customs. A Gaonbura should not be controversial and should not be affiliated to any political organization. Honesty is one of the most important traits of the Gaonbura, if he is found indulging in any dishonest or undesirable activities; he could be stripped of his Gaonburaship. Indulging in any kind of political activities can also disqualify him from his office. A massive general opinion of the elder was that: “A person who is involved in political activities cannot give justice, rather because of political reasons; he may try to take sides with his supporters, and favour them even if they may be guilty. Therefore, they are not allowed to take part in any political activities.” None of the Gaonburas had intention of contesting in the state legislative assembly or in the parliament. So far, there was no history that any Gaonbura had ever contested in the state legislative assembly or in the Lok Sabha.
Power and Function of the Gaonburas:
The Gaonburas are the permanent members of the village council. They are consulted by the village council leaders in every administrative and legal function. A Gaonbura once elected can remain a Gaonbura throughout his lifetime (if he has not been removed from Gaonburaship for the above reasons). Sometime a Gaonbura gives his resignation voluntarily, if he thinks that he is too old to move around, speak or think properly, and perform his duty sincerely. Otherwise even if he sans everything he will not be asked to resign. The person who served for the longest period as a Gaonbura was for fifty three years. A Gaonbura is not given any special status or any allowance, except that he is respected and gets twelve percent of the tax that he collected every year, between December and March. He visits every household under his clan and collects the tax. However there is a contradictory view by the present Gaonbura, it says that they did not enjoy any salary or allowance but will get pension after ten years or more of service (Field data). At present, the tax is fixed at Rs.10 per household, which is collected according to the number of hearths, though the structure of the house may be only one. The taxes are collected together by the head Gaonbura which is then deposited at the Deputy Commissioner’s Office. Each Gaonbura has its own list of the number of households; the name and head of the family. Thus, according to that, the percentage of the payment is given to each of them.
The office of the Gaonbura is not hereditary. Any person from any clan can become a Gaonbura. The Gaonburas are also members of the jury in any kind of dispute settlement. Any kind of disagreement between the clan is taken to the Gaonbura for settlement. In oath taking, the Gaonbura pronounces the work of oath taking. Other activities include looking after the welfare of his clan and if any regulations are passed by the village council, he takes the initiative to see that they are being followed. He also informs the people about the activities and programmes of the village. Earlier, the messages are conveyed by shouting from the highest part of his territory. But nowadays, they were passed through a written notice or announced on a microphone (Field data).
The Gaonbura is an influential person in the village, who has an authority over all the people. His advice and decision is always sought by the leaders and those holding different status in the village. Thus, it shows that all political and legal laws of the land are at the hands of the people and the society exists in a highly democratic form of governance.
THE INSTITUTION OF DOBASHI (POST-BRITISH):
During the British period, the institution of Dobashis was introduced in the state of Nagaland and remained unchanged for two decades even after India got independence. Its role was to interpret the customs, assist the government officials in their field duties, and sometimes in settlement of disputes, mostly land boundaries, water, murders, etc. Likewise as their services became important for every kind of disputes, a separate office was allotted within the premise of Deputy Commissioner’s office. Every district headquarter has a Dobashi court. The native representations to the government were thus known as interpreters. As a matter of fact, the Hindu word, ‘Dobashi’ which literally means ‘a man of two words’ who know Assamese and Hindi became a popular usage for the Naga as ‘Dobashis’.
Their role of interpreting the custom was revived, and now they are the main interpreters of the customary law. They are entitled to regulate any injustice, law and order problems of their people. The institution was legalized under the sixteen point agreement of 1960, which has a provision under which the Naga customary laws are protected. Under the state of Nagaland Act1962, any legal arrangement should co-exist with the customary law.
The appointment of the Dobashi is made through an interview conducted at the Deputy Commissioner’s office. They are government appointees and they hold office up to the age of 65 years or 35 years of service whichever is earlier. At present Dobashi are not necessarily the elders of a village. Each village in the district is expected to have a Dobashi representative in the Dobashi court. However due to unavailability of job vacancy, there are only twenty-one Dobashi representing more than sixty-two village. Most of the eligible Dobashi are selected by their respective village councils and recommended, though some candidates come on their own. After the Second World War, the appointment of the Dobashi was made through the recommendation of the Army (for security reason). However, now it is purely under the control of the State Government.
The Dobashis are recommended by their village members, for their honesty, knowledge, experience and sincerity. In earlier days, no formal educational qualification was required, but they should know the history and customs of the respective tribes and also of the Nagas. However, a new rule has been passed that Dobashi should have minimum education qualification i.e. matriculation at the time of recruitment or appointment. The Selection Committee consisted of Deputy Commissioner (DC) and Additional Deputy Commissioner (ADC). Their appointment is made by the Deputy Commissioner. For the interview, the candidates are expected to know the customs, folk songs, folk dances and folk tales, of which the last is the most important quality. The institutions came to an extinct during late 1960’s.
DYNAMICS AND POLITICS OF SELF-GOVERNANCE
Traditionally among the Poumais, village administration was run by the clan representative Vesiikai/Tsiimai and the King or Veo/Maveo who was the ceremonial and traditional religious head of the village. The clan head or representative with Veo were instrumental in framing laws or rules and also executing them, which was mostly in the form of gennas or nainou, restriction and taboos. In the strict sense of the term, law exist in a society where there are constituted legal tribunal vested with the power to enforce judgment by means of organized sanction and such tribunals have established procedures for dealing with offenders. However, many primitive societies do not have such explicit legal machinery but there are certain provisions for action to be taken by the community possibly under the leadership of village vesiikai or ritual experts against grave breaches of customary codes of conduct or belief. In the Poumai Naga society the village Vesaiikai/Tsiimai had full authority to whom cases are brought for trial and as such all cases were settled by themselves in the presence of the influential and capable elders of the villagers.
The council of Vesiikai/Tsiimais consisted of the elected male members belonging to the old age group, representing all the clans and sub-clans living in the village. As the council of Vesiikai/Tsiimai is composed of the representatives of each clan, according to traditions, specified seats are allotted to each clan and each clan has the right to nominate their representatives as per the allotted seats.
The Poumai Naga laws which emerge in relation to both civil wrong and serious crimes have been traditionally upheld by a well-established law, although unwritten. There exist different laws and code in dealing with different types of locally defined offences. An important feature of the traditional customary laws was the observance of gennas or Nainou strict observation of genna was absolutely necessary for good health, wealth and progress of the individual and of the whole community. Violations or breach of genna or Nainou observation resulted in paying fine or being ostracized from the village for a particular period of time and also had to face the wrath of the supernatural being or Teishorani/Paoravu-o in the form of mysterious sickness or natural calamity to the guilty person and the whole villages. The villagers firmly believed in the traditional religious spirit of benevolent and malevolent. The fear of facing the wrath of the unseen supernatural being greatly helped in proper functioning of the traditional customary law in almost every part of life. The earlier Christian convert who violated to observance of genna or Nainou were ostracized from the village, and they were force to settle in the separate colony where traditional religious faiths does not mixed up.
In the past, conflict within the clan and the village arises due to trespassing other’s forest at the times of hunting and collecting of wild vegetables. People passed into other’s territories while chasing wild animals. Moreover, boundaries between paddy fields and forest or woodland are not clearly demarcated and defined. Usually stones are placed between the paddy field, woodland and the range or slope of the hills is demarcated as the boundaries of the forest in the tribal. Serious wars and feuds used to break out with the intention of taking the enemies heads which enhance the warriors’ status. But this act is not considered as a violation of the customs and laws but a protection of one’s territory, resources and status. According to Poumai customs it is a taboo to kill the handicapped, the mediator in the head hunting, the carrier of the victims head and priest of the marriage.
During the colonial administration there existed two layers of native administrative agencies. First, the village chiefs who have traditional leadership at the village level were utilized for village administration. This began with the extension of British protection to the Naga villages in 1874, because protection automatically bound the chiefs to abide by the policy of the Government in matters of their relations with the tribes beyond British control as well as their obligation to pay annual house tax. However, symbolizing their special responsibility and relation with the administration, the chiefs were presented red blankets. This system continued as a basic feature of Anglo-Naga relations even after the introduction of regular administration in 1881. Secondly, the Dobashi system which was first started in 1842 as a system of trial residential delegates from the different Naga clans. Later, in 1869, it was continued as the Dobashi system was proved to be useful for the promotion of Anglo-Naga relations. In due course it became a basic institution of colonial administration in Naga Hill (Nagaland Code).
The government of Manipur introduces an Act called Manipur Hill Village Authority Act, 1956, modifying the provisions of the 1947 Regulations. It provided for administration of criminal justice in hill villages of Manipur. Under this Act, village authority is constituted and its powers and functions are clearly defined (G.S Narwani, 2004). As per the directive of the state government, that there has to be election of the members depending on the members of the households. Even in this, there is no space for women as everything is done according to the traditional system by men. This Act undermines the aged old traditional village council (Gina Shangkham). This Act, determined the strength of the village authorities in the Hill Areas. It was based on the number of house paying tax. A village with 20 to 60 tax paying houses had a village authority with five members, from 61 to 100 tax paying houses had seven members and 101 to 150 tax paying houses had ten members and 151 and above tax paying houses twelve members.
Again in 1956, the Manipur (village authorities in Hill areas) Act, 1956 was passed, modifying the provisions of the 1947 Regulation. The village authorities set up under 1956 Act, failed to command the respect as the earlier traditional village authorities.
PRESENT VILLAGE GOVERNANCE SYSTEM
The villagers elect the village chairman and his secretary who is the head of the village council, the main apex body of administration in the village. The village council looks after overall affairs of the village. Their main duties are to uplift the social, economic, education, political, cultural and judiciary affairs of the village. There are different organizations existing in the village such as women’s organization, youth and students’ organization and religious organization that come under the control of the village council. Each organization functions independently of any outside influence and function smoothly without affecting the
important part in regulating the life of the people in spite of having many changes taken place in the traditional customary laws of the village. The Poumai Nagas are determined, sociable, forgiving, uplift justice, broadminded and loyal to the leaders of the society. Corruption and bribery system are bereft in the village administration.
Even thought they did not divide their village administration into different departments, for the convenience, we can consider their functions under executive, judicial, administrative and developmental aspects. The executive power which lies with the Village Chief now lies with the Village Chairman and Secretary. In the judicial front, the chief and the village council members settle all disputes within the village boundaries, and no crimes are excluded from its preview, at present the local administration also handles criminal cases. In the case of administration, they deal with maintenance of paths and bridges, sanitations like drinking water, health centre, schools and general welfare of the village. With regard to development, it depends largely on the extent to which the local official have worked through the local councils in planning all the many sided work of developing the village. Poumai local governance is out of the purview of the Panchayati Raj Institutions or the Sixth Schedule, as the village council still remains the only means of village administration. Gradually, the institution of village council deteriorated after the British occupation of the tribal areas. Today Manipur state is undergoing the worst law and order situation, education, health care, power grid, water supply, etc. and it is crumbling especially in the hill areas. Autonomous District Councils held election again in 2008 after been defunct for almost 20 years in the hill areas of Manipur but it has few real powers: they only have several regulatory powers subject to state control. In the exercise of developmental functions, they are at the mercy of the state government. Since their incomes are unstable, they become more dependent on the state government.
SOCIAL STATUS AND POSITION OF POUMAI NAGA WOMEN
Women have played an important role in the society in almost every aspect of life but sometimes their roles were undermined by customs and traditions. There is a clear reflection of superiority of men over women. The defined roles of male and female are governed by a series of sanctioned, which have an important impact on their behavioral pattern in the society. Regarding the social behavior it could be seen that men have more liberty than women. For example, women whether married/unmarried do not have the privileges to roam around the village or any other place without a specific purpose. Sleeping at their friends place if it is not her age group in morung dormitory is not allowed. As for men such restrictions were seen to be less. In the village, women were found to be engaged in household work such as, cooking, cleaning dishes, washing clothes, weaving and agricultural works. However, Women in the Poumai society have much better position and equal status to men after they embraced Christianity. Most of the traditional social taboo and restriction on women is steadily losing its importance in the Poumai Naga society. At present scenario, every parent felt the importance of educating their children and is deeply concerned of daughter’s future prospect of employment.
Political Status:
Poumai Naga woman have no political power either in the traditional or in the present society. Since time immemorial woman participating in the decision making body or in the village administration council was a taboo for them. However, women have played an important role in the administration of the village. In the traditional society, the Vekyapfii or wife of the village chief had enjoyed a status almost equal to that of the Veo/Maveo. The Vekyapfii enjoyed a very comfortable place as the wife of the Veo/Maveo (village chief). In certain circumstances, she enjoyed the power of the Veo/Maveo. For instance, when the Veo/Maveo died leaving behind a minor or issueless of male child, then Vekyapfii assumed all the charges of the Veo/Maveo. She convened all the meetings comprising of all the Vesiikai (representative of the clan resolution/order adopted by clan elders for the village). However, to implement the resolutions the information are passed on to the eldest member of Vesiikai for proclamation of genna (Naishayu) in the village. Vekyapfii was only nominal head of the village. She assumed the post only if the heir was a minor. She was assisted by the village elders and leaders of the various clans and therefore no political power was vested as the Veo/Maveo. In case there is no male child in the family, the nearest kin of the Veo’s clan would assume the administration post. Females were not given the privilege to inherit the Veo/Maveo’s post. The Vekyapfii has a command and respect by the people during her reign as the village administrator or care taker of the village.
Women played an important role during the head-hunting days as war with neighbouring villages was recurrent. In order to safeguard the village, men assumed the role of guarding the women while women took the task of carrying out both domestic and agricultural works. In this way, women participated in the administration of the village indirectly. Apart from their role and involvement in domestic fields “women played the commendable role of a mediator.” In the olden days some outstanding women were usually married off to people of far place or neighbour as a mediator called ‘Chilapopai’ to mediate and call for peace between the warring villages (Zehol. K and L. Zehol 1998). The role of such women was to carry the slain head to the enemy’s village. At the same time Chilapopai played an important role in trying to negotiate the peace terms with the two warring villages. Therefore it immensely depended on the Chilapopai for negotiating and bringing peace between the two warring village. In this case, it is a taboo to slain or kill a Chilapopai. As there was no volunteer to do this job she would perform the role of icebreaking for peace talk between two warring villages. In case, such women were slayed or killed by the warring village, it is believed that those people would fall in the hands of the enemy.
Thus, though women had no political power, their role in maintaining a systematic and organized system of administration of the village was very important. Matters confining to women were entrusted to the women association/body by the village authority and whatever decision it arrived at was brought to the notice of the village authority for approval.
Participation of women in decision making process
The patriarchal society puts household task in the domain of women, which left women with less space and time for active participation in social activities. It becomes a double burden for women to participate in the village governance. Division of role can be the main barriers for women in active participation towards village governance. Administration since time immemorial has been the active domain of the male members under Poumai law and tradition. Main barrier for women’s active participation in village governance is the law, tradition and customs of the forefathers, coupled with lack of education and poverty in the village. People today have an urge, and an impatient need to participate in the events and processes that shape their lives (Marilee, Karl, 1995). Women are the major contributors in people’s participation. They not only comprise the majority of those excluded from participation, but now they play a leading role in the emergence of groups, organization and movements worldwide, and are becoming increasingly active in their communities, governments and international arena. The importance of women’s participation can be looked from various angles. Without equal participation of women and men in all spheres of life and levels of decision making, no true democracy and no true people’s participation can be established. Women’s full participation is very much required in the development process and goals targeted. The participation of women helps in focusing attention on the most neglected portion of the humanity (women and girl children). It will help in the process of changing the unequal balance of decision making power and control in the relations of men and women in the household, at workplace, in communities, in government and in the international arena. But in spite of the importance of their equal participation, most women are still behind the four walls of the house.
WAY FORWARD FOR LOCAL GOVERNANCE
Given the post and ongoing conflict political volatility and increasing frustration among the citizen with the Meitei based politics in Manipur, strong local governance system is the only hope for tribal in the hills can live up with. However to achieve this, it needs a strong political commitment from different actors for decentralization of governing powers towards lower units. The demand for autonomous local governance system has also suffered larger political conflicts and a huge opposition from the dominant Meitei community. However, it’s not the only the state government of Manipur who exploits and deprives the rights of the hill people. It is the members of the Hill Area Committee (HAC) who are exploiting, neglecting and depriving the rights of the hill people as well. There is a need for further research and dialogue to enhance the synergy between hill tribal and state governments and address governance confusion between them. The system of local governance could potentially play important role in establishing, advancing and institutionalizing local democracy in Manipur.
CONCLUSION
We argue that in order to strengthen democratic functioning of the village authority and to ensure popular participation and capacity building at the grassroots level in Poumai Naga villages more concerted efforts are required in the following areas such as, Amendment of the Manipur Hill Areas Act, 1956, to enable the village authority to function more effectively as units of self governance. There is a need for putting in place a structured system for preparing and implementing participatory plans at the village level. And their integration with the plans prepared by the village authority, an interface between village authority and civil society.
Granting real autonomy and devolution of Sixth Schedule viz, fund, functions and functionaries to the village authority are essential for the purpose. As things stand, the demand is unlikely to succeed as long as the issue is left to the vagaries of politics and ethnic power play. To break the deadlock, the Union will have to take the initiative by exercising its special power, under Article 371C, to give directions to the state on the matter. To keep blaming the state government is hogwash; the matter falls squarely within the Union’s authority and power. The creation of Telangana shows, among others, that when the Centre is bent on doing something, nothing stands on the way. Furthermore, to ensure that the decentralization effort is not hijacked by the local elites, and there is broad-based popular participation, both a strong state and mobilized civil society are required.
However, one should remember that the positive factors as mentioned above may not yield the desired results if the necessary conditions for success of local governments are not fulfilled. In this connection, it should be remembered that Gandhiji’s dream of giving ‘power to the people’ pre-supposes inclusive growth, which can only be achieved through inclusive governance. The key to this is an effective, well functioning system of the village authority. As such, the functioning of the village governance crucially depends on the devolution of resources, transfer of subjects, and passing down of administrative control of the civil servants. Another necessary condition for the success of the local governance is to work with the elected representatives. There is a great need for capacity building in accounts, budgeting, monitoring and so on. Unless larger powers and resources are devolved and elected representative are trained, local government in the true sense of the term will be a dream. Hence, there is a need to reform the village authority system of governance to develop them at a local level of governance within the broad parameter of the constitutional directives, and to make democracy meaningful in the state.
References:
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