ABSTRACT

The article engages with the lived experience and perspectives of Dalit women engaged in manual scavenging in Udaipur, Rajasthan. Drawn from a research study, the paper focuses on the association of women and their forced engagement into manual scavenging, the narratives of women around rural and urban differences and the generational linkages with this menial task of cleaning being associated with the community. The paper also disentangles the concept of the stigma and the generational association of Dalit women from the manual scavenger community as experienced in their daily life. It analyzes the subtle ways women assert against this practice especially around the overt occupational bondage enforced on Dalits while at the same time subsuming their traditions and customs leading to greater degrees of perpetuation of their life world by dominant communities, leaving no scope for the manual scavenging community to reclaim dignity and assert their identities.

Introduction

The paper cover areas of the inter-generational processes which a woman has to go through in manual scavenging, inter-intra generational mobility. The inter-generational acceptance and self-image of women engaged in scavenging and they being perceived by women of non-scavenging communities. Socio economic and cultural differences of women employed as scavengers in urban/rural sector. The question of women is to become natural choice to carry out hereditary practice of manual scavenging. The task of manual scavenging is transferred from mother to daughter and Mother-in-law to Daughter–in-law the Changes in patterns through generations, and similarity in their situations for continuation as a manual scavenger. How does the community, majorly upper caste women employers perceive Dalit women engaged in manual scavenging. What have been the Dalit women manual scavengers experiences with their employers. What have been the families of women engaged in manual scavenging experiences of social and cultural difference in the rural and urban dwelling. What are the reasons of women scavengers and the families had to migrate from rural to urban settings.

Manual scavenging is the menial and heinous task of cleaning other person/s (so called higher caste) excreta by a ‘lower caste’ person. Manual Scavenging is the removal of excreta (night soil) manually from “dry toilets”,i.e. the toilets without modern flush system(Singh,2009). While the current Act, The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act 2013 elaborates the meaning of manual scavenger, it says-

“manual scavenger” means a person engaged or employed, at the commencement of this Act or at any time thereafter, by an individual or a local authority or an agency or a contractor, for manually cleaning, carrying, disposing of, or otherwise handling in any manner, human excreta in an insanitary latrine or in an open drain or pit into which the human excreta from the insanitary latrines is disposed of or on a railway track or in such other spaces or premises, as the Central Government or a State. Government may notify, before the excreta fully decomposes in such manner as may be prescribed, and the expression “manual scavenging” shall be construed accordingly.

While manual scavenging is believed to be only a rural phenomenon because of the practice of open defecation it has, the part which is left almost unnoticed of the ample number of dry public toilets in the urban regions too.

The Context: Dalit in Rajasthan

The research presented here, is specific to the state of Rajasthan, Rajasthan according to the Census 2011 lies among the ten states to have the highest proportions of Dalit population in the state. The Dalit community in Rajasthan largely identifies itself as ‘Harijan’ before acknowledging ones sub-caste. The social oppression faced from the other upper caste groups like Rajput, Brahmin and Baniya have denied access to proper land remuneration to dignified job opportunities. Though Government agencies have interpreted fallouts of reformative state action groups and have found statistics involved it has largely been left unattended. Out of the eight listed scheduled castes in Rajasthan the Bhangi is the lowest caste. Though numerically it is not the most important section of the Harijan population in Rajasthan (Lal,1981). There is an overwhelming majority of the Scheduled Caste engaged in manual work and majorly in occupations which are not looked down upon. The traditional occupations or ascribed job of the caste system still exists. The particular kind of occupational opportunities available for the Scheduled Caste communities are as follows.

• Skin and Hide works-Chamar or Mochi, Jatav.Megh or Meghwal,Balai,Bairwa
• Hunting and collection of forest produces-Adheri,Bagari,Bawaria,Baori
• Snake Charming-Kalbelia (Daliwal or Sapera), Madari.
• Basketry-Bansphor,Gancha
• Artisan-Nayak (making of wooden utensil),Dabgar (making comb from buffalo born)(Debnath,1995; 27)

The Social Stigma attached to their work also has created a sense of assigning the community specific works. This practice has prolonged the dreaded situation of the community. The economic advancement seems to provide an upward advancement for the community, but majority of the SC workers are engaged in agriculture. Around 44% of the workers are ‘cultivator’ which is double the national average of 20% in respect of all SC categories. ‘Other Workers’ also have a significant share of 32%, workers in ‘Household industry’ account for 3.4% (Census,2011).Though there have been no structural changes, there are still assumptions based on the reservations drawn for the community. The Social structures of Rajasthan state are rigid and monopolized by Rajput tradition. The other communities try to derive associations and claims being of the origin of Rajputana tradition.

Table- 1.1, Population: Size & Distribution

Source: Rajasthan Data Highlights:The Scheduled Castes Census of India 2001.

According to Rajasthan Highlights, Chamar constitute highest proportion (76.7 per cent) of the total SC population in Bharatpur district, followed by Dhaulpur (68.2 per cent), Jhunjhunun (59.7 per cent) etc. The other larger SCs, Megh, Bairwa, Thori, Balai have registered maximum proportion in the districts of Jaisalmer (83.7 per cent), Dausa(56.6 per cent), Ganganagar( 41.5 per cent) and Sikar( 61 per cent) respectively.

Table 1.2, Literacy and Educational Level

Source:Rajasthan Data Highlights:The Scheduled Castes Census of India 2001.

The above data shows higher disparities in educational levels across all the sub-castes having lower educational standards. The Baori community having the lowest and the khatik community have the highest literacy rates among both men and women of the community. Women living in villages/Rural regions have low access to both primary and higher education. The communities also have fragment settlements forced to live outside periphery of the village community and having least access to basic civic amenities of the city. The education being a necessity is least available to a society systematically marginalized in every aspect of the societal interaction. Though the educational percentage among the men has been above 45% irrespective of women whose educational participation the maximum is 45%.

Table 1.3, Work Participation Rate (WPR)

Source: Rajasthan Data Highlights:The Scheduled Castes Census of India 2001.

Though Majority of the community is engaged in agriculture, but community has been restricted even from agriculture, where even if they are there for the entire crop season and harvesting. The community would not be allowed to touch the ragsack bags filled with grains. The very low percentage of Dalit person engaged in HHI may indicate purity and pollution aspect playing key role for such a low ratio. Dalit person are not allowed entry even to the kutchha toilet by accessing the front of the house, they have to maintain minimal contact with ‘other’ upper caste communities. The community not only faces untouchability but also humiliation on day to day basis. The wages procured from this jajmani is in form of grains(Basha,2012). The percentage of Bhangi, Khatik and Koli is highly engaged as Aswaach Safai karamchari or as Manual Scavenger.

Communities engaged in Manual Scavenging in Rajasthan

In Rajasthan, there are majorly the following communities which lie in the community of scavengers which are; Chammar,koli,bhangi,Baori,Dhobi,Mazhabhi,Sargara and Dholi(Census,2011). There are 1,88,525 person from within schedule caste, of them 1,22,385 in rural areas and 66,140 in urban areas(Census,2011), which comes down to 64% of the schedule caste population of Rajasthan is in the rural areas. There are a total of 6,76,009 manual scavengers in the country, of which Rajasthan has 57,736 manual scavengers in total((SSVK), 2013).Rajasthan, the largest State in terms of area, has the Scheduled Caste (SC) population of 9,694,462 as per 2001 census constituting 17.2 per cent of the total population (56,507,188) of the State. The state holds 7 th rank in SC population and 10 th rank in terms of proportion of SC population to total population among all States and UTs. Fifty nine (59) castes have been scheduled in respect of Rajasthan. All of them have been enumerated during the Census 2001. The SC population has registered a growth rate of 27.4 per cent during 1991-2001, which is lower by one per cent than the growth of the total population. The city of Udaipur in the state of Rajasthan has 6.01% of population of the total Scheduled caste (SC) population of the state of Rajasthan, of which 48% of the population is of women(Government of Rajasthan). The heinous task of manual scavenging has been under women where 95% of the manual scavengers are women, where they manually clear dry toilets used by others in village/urban spaces(Watch, 2014). Scavenging does not require any skill and provides some additional income with no competition, investment and risk. These features coupled with the need for cleaning dry latrines and a lack of alternatives; force the scavengers, particularly women, to continue in this occupation((SSVK), 2013).The Bhangis are well known caste groups in India. In social hierarchies Bhangis occupy the lowest positions as they are the night soil removers(Lal, 1981).

As gender plays an explicit role in the task of manual scavenging, the dissertation would try and cover the following:

• The inter-generational (hereditary) acceptance or rejection of the manual scavenging among women scavengers, where the manual scavenging is passed as a duty from one generation to another.
• Self-image of women engaged in scavenging
• Socio economic and cultural differences of women employed as scavengers in urban/rural sector.

The next section would explain the methods and tools used for the data collection and the need of certain kind of research methodology being used by the researcher. The section would explain the qualitative research and also the reason such method was taken.

Methodology

The research adopted a Qualitative research methodology including in-depth interviews and focused group discussion. Profiles of five Dalit women engaged as safaikamgar has been recorded. The study focuses on the aspects wherein women form a major category engaged in manual scavenging. Dalit women were identified who were engaged in the cleaning activity working under the municipal cooperation and other government sectors. Narratives of five Dalit women engaged as Safaikamgar has been recorded.

. The universe includes

• Women engaged in manual scavenging, in the municipality of Udaipur city
• Women and their relatives who were engaged in manual scavenging, but now are into other cleaning activities.
• Women Safai Karmachari cleaning public toilets and roads.

The Generational acceptance or rejection of manual scavenging among women, where manual scavenging is transferred as one’s duty. The objective covers the basic component of taking this task as a duty over livelihood, where this is practically imposed on the community, women being the major sufferers of this caste based discrimination. The report submitted to Navsrajan trust by Massachusetts Institute of Technology, September 2006; speaks despite general awareness that scavenging is not a very safe, many female manual scavengers continue the practice because of the family’s need for the money or the food received as payment. The startling aspect is there no incentive for women engaging in it, it is actually a duty imposed.

Dalit can’t aspire to have respectable jobs. The Dalit are overwhelmingly found in the insanitary section of the Indian society(Guru, 2000). Women contribute to the major entity of the analysis where engagement of women and the act of scavenging and their prolonged attachment with this act also makes to enquire the generational acceptance of the occupation. The interviews and GDs revealed that women entered into the job of scavenging very early, in their lives. Their exposure through their parents and later taking up their job, the caste system and its rigidity is the sole reason for the forced occupation of scavenging. Where women form the major population of the victim, the act of scavenging varied here, from street cleaning to public toilet cleaning.

The woman interviewed, who was a manual scavenger since the age of six and cleaned 8-10 houses till her age of sixteen, now she supervises cleaning staff in a reputed girls college of Udaipur–

“Mein bus Naak bnd kr ke kam krti thi.. Mujhe mera bachpan yad nahi.. Sirf kam tha.. Meri maa b yahi kam kar k mari, mujhe usi ka darr tha..-Shantibai Age- 47.”(I just used to work with my nose pathways closed, I donot remember my childhood)

The inter-generational mobility was highly visible and she got her first job as her mother passed away in the NCC, later cleaned private toilets which her relatives did and now her daughter in law is a Safai Karmachari in the Udaipur Nagar Palika. The lady never went out of the association of cleaning and dirt her parents had, the memories of her cleaning with friends and going in a group are natural. The remorse is so subsided with the community, that the phase of this humiliation was as accepted with the birth in the community.

“Meri maa mari tb mene ye kam shuru kia, uske jane se pehle meri behno ki shadi hogayi thi, wo dono maa k sath hi kamkrti thi. Me maa k jane k bad akele pad gayi, thora din dada k pas fir maa k behen k ghar” (I resorted to scavenging after my mother passed away, before my elder sisters got married they used to do work the same job (scavenging), but this was when my mother was alive. I was alone when my mother passed away. I used to stay with my grandparents and later with my mother’s sister and her family.)-Shantibai.

The rigidity and the compulsion is acute, the researcher understands that the inter-generational mobility. The narration of generational occupation is not a choice which these women have taken but a societal pressure, the only option presented to live. The acute dignity striven community had to internalize the disgust which the occupation rendered to just be able to sustain oneself. The generational inheritance and the acceptance is the one which is focused in the research. The narratives did not speak of rejection but a transformed way engaging with the cleaning activity. The phenomenon can be also viewed in other narratives given by women.

“Mai Churniwada me ghar tha, Mamma-mammi k sath me chala jaya karti thi kam pe, jaise hosh sambhala , kam bhi de dia…Aise thikane hote the, ek jn ka 5 se 10 thikhana. Bai ji bohot chote chote ghar hote the..fir bhi har ghar me ek thikhana hota tha. Thikhana nahi to ghar k samne ya piche ki taraf hota tha..chote chote ghar hote, jhana bhi jaga milti kutccha thikhana bn jata tha.”- Shantibai.

(I used to stay in churniwada, I used to accompany my mamma- mammi while they went for work, they started to allot me work and later started doing my own work. There are thikhanas set to collect toilet ranging from 5-10 thikhanas for each worker like us. They were small houses, and the toilets would be just infront or side or backside of the houses, but most of it in same pattern. There was lack of space in these areas, and according to the space available there would be dry toilets built.)

The woman belonging to Hella community engaged in scavenging since birth and now employed as Safai Karmachari in Udaipur Nagar Palika – Age- 32. On asking about the working condition of her parents after they shifted to Udaipur, she responded as such-

“Me jati thi ammi k sath, kabhi bs dekhti, mujhe apne teen chote bhai behno ko khyal b rkhna padta tha.. Bohot tem bad me samjh gayi yahi kam baccha he hamre pas isi tokri se maa hume khila pati he”- Mumtaz Hella.

(Yes, I used to go with my mother and help her, but I would just go and see, I had three younger siblings I also had to take care of them.I knew there was nothing else to do other than picking up the tokri).

The narration of generational occupation is not a choice which these women have taken but a societal pressure, the only option presented to live. There is also a common phenomenon of the lost childhood, where women have narrated their life dealing with human waste. The engagement also came with a tragedy where a sudden crisis in family made them to engage in act of scavenging. The relationship of transfer of job or extension of the act of scavenging between the mother and daughter or Mother-in-law and daughter –in-law was transferred this job. It was not desire for the job but the necessity and the availability of it, of which they acquired the job.

With the above narrative, the inhumanity of the condition could be concluded, the lady while doing this job is not even above fourteen years of age. Her guardians had to take care of her, but the she also had to contribute invariably from the very day she was able to. There is no visible remorse or resentment from the work.

The continuity

The task of Manual scavenging does not leave them after marriage, where marriage in India is expected to give a new life and is the most awaited period of girl’s life.

“Me jab idhar ayi tb mere pathi aspatal me kam krte the,us samay unko alag alag jgah rehna padta tha.Ye bohot dikkat deta tha dono ko,par bad me unhone meri college me naukari lgwa di. Mene apna pehla wla dhandha chod dia,or idhar ayi.. dhire dhire me age badhti gyi or supervisor bn gyi”- Shantibai.

(I came here when my husband was working in the hospital as a cleaning staff, at that time he used to stay at different place. It was very inconvenient for both of us, then I came in the college as cleaning staff leaving my earlier job of cleaning dry toilets, later then I got promotion then I co-ordinate the work now I supervise all the cleaning staff under me)”- Shantibai, Chammar woman engaged in scavenging since childhood.

Here the narratives describes on the transition were women after their marriage and married to men engaged in manual scavenging normally working in the same work space as their parents did. Marriage in the society has created an endogamous one, where the continuity of caste system lies upon women. Dr.Ambedkar relates the presence of women and the forceful setting of caste system he establishes, “Superimposition of endogamy on exogamy means creation of caste”. The institute of marriage if one may call so, created obligation to carry forward caste and its lineage. The restriction laid was in order to prevent fusion or inter mixing to maintain the hegemony of the ‘upper’ caste over the lower. The endogamy infused and the practices in association with them restricted the woman’s role in the structured setting of the society.

“Mere ghar ki halat khrab thi..mujhe jhut bol k ghar k lie sman kharidna pdta tha,jaise kasie b smbhal lia,..Mujhe lga meri shadi k bad pareshani nai hogvegi….par shadi k bad bhi wahi kam tha ghar ghar ja k kam krna pdta tha..par meri maa jaisa nahi tha.. tokri to nai uthani padi.. par public toilet hota tha saaf krne k lie.. contract me kam kia mene tub, phenoel or pani se saaf krti thi.. agar pani nai hota to tatti per se ya lakdai se us chedd me gussa deti thi or bohot pehnoel or chlorine poweder dal deti”- Mumtaz Hella

(Condition of my family was very poor..I had to buy everything say lies to the shopkeeper, somehow I managed. I thought marriage would help me I would not have to do this much work….but after marriage I too had to go to clean toilets in private houses, but not like my mother, my mother had to carry a tokri over her head. I had to clean toilets of public latrines, I was on contract then, I cleaned with phenol and water. When there was no water, we pushed the waste into the hole with leg or stick if we could find and then put lot of phenol and chlorine powder.) Mumtaz Hella

Self-image of women engaged in scavenging and how are they perceived by the women of non-scavenging communities.

While it is also necessary that it be understood that the women in such activity would have other oppressive factors which might get them targeted too. As the article on the Dimensions of caste describes on the multi dimensionality of caste, women have to face multiple oppressions. Giving scope to narratives which would help explore the ways women has been reared being in particular community of scavenging. The interaction started and it progressed, the details and the seminal details, of the start of the work begins to reveal. The first instance and the later points of engagements in other social activities and the constant realization of getting into undignified job, could be seen in the narratives in different forms.

“Mujhe yaad krne ka kuch tha hi nahi..Me dekho aise suppate se nak bnd kr deti..or jaldi jaldi kam khtam kr deti. Maine bola na ye Khandani kam he ,hume adat hoti he is kam ki, ye unchi jati walon ka mail he”

(No, there is nothing to remember. I just used to keep my nose pathways closed and do the work without wasting much time. As I said it is my khandani work, we are habitual to dirt, this is upper caste dirt only).Phagunbai

There were also instances where the feeling of the stink attached to one leading to changes in lifestyles affecting ones relatives directly or indirectly. While interacting with Mumtaz she explained her childhood, extending the lost childhood of children of manual scavengers. The liability they hold makes them an adult at a very early age. The social attributes as Goffman defines, highly disrupts the normal condition of the person and is susceptible to a biased nature, a more discriminatory behavior and attitude from others. The set routine of facing stigma in certain senses has also created certain generalization by the community as well.

“Meri maa ne to ye kam krna shuru kret hi khana bnana chod dia tah.Wo ek baltibhar sir se pani dalti thi, ghar k andr ghusne se pehle, ek hi kapda tha jo wo pehn k jaya krti..shayad unko bdbu psnd nit hi khud ki” -Mumtaz Hella, Safai Karmachari at Udaipur Nagar Palika.

(I don’t know, she did not cook anything after she started working in the dry toilets. my mother used to pour water over herself before coming inside the house, here was only one dress that she would wear every-day. May be she did not like the smell.)

The trap of getting into scavenging is an extension of the rigid caste system, while women also narrated their first time or the disgust, most of it was the need to engage in this activity of scavenging and also how this job is helping in their daily lives. Concealing the disgust with the generational occupation they had with this.

“Ammi ne to kam krna shuru krte hi khana bnana chodd dia.. Mujhe hi sb krna pda,sikhna padega na ab to! Abba Ammi to Gutka khane bhi lag gya..or der saver ane lge dono. Me na padh payi, bs Itne sare bhai behn ko smbhalthi or ab itna paisa ata tha ki wo log padh jave. Hum akele hi khelte or ghar ka khyal rakhna padta tha. Jb se meri maa ye kam krne lgi mene unke hath ka nahi khaya” -Mumtaz Hella

(My mother never cooked for us after she went into this job, I had to learn cooking and I used to cook, the father and mother used to consume gutkha a lot after they came in this job. I could not study at all, but my younger siblings managed to study as my parents now could earn something. I use to play alone while I used to take care of family. Since my mother engaged into manual scavenging, she never cooked for us.)

The relationship of transfer of manual scavenging or extension of the act of scavenging from mother to daughter or Mother-in-law to daughter –in-law is an observed entity in the entire research process. It was not desire for the job but the necessity and the availability of it, of which they acquired the job. The work was done for a very less incentive, getting around two-three rupees per household or just grains as alms for respondents. The stench or the filth was to be faced for almost nothing material, but to escape the violence which could be inflicted on its non-continuation. In similar line the women had at a various points had to normalize their current situation so as to sustain oneself in this rigid caste system.

“Mujhe kyun bura lagega, mujhe paise milte the iske isliye mujhe pasand that..ye humara hi kam he aur mujhe dhire addat padd gayi….. aap itna pareshan kyun he? Ye humara khandanidhandha he, me kyun bura manu.”- Shantibai

(I did not feel anything, I used to get money for this and so I liked it. It is a work that we do and I got habitual to everything. It is a Khandani dhandha, why should I feel bad while doing it?)

The woman here had internalized her task, seeing it as task and the associating her livelihood as Khandani only created that the understanding of an action which was obvious it was obvious for the community to take up it, the reinforcement with the not giving access to opportunity or even to the one’s own dignity. While it also becomes essential on the aspect of why is such normalcy begin, the essence of dignity to be desired is not what expected from the Dalit community. It also becomes a liability after marriage for a woman to sustain and if she is working as a scavenger there are certain liabilities involved

Political consciousness

While women were asserting their identity, the political consciousness was grasped with this dialogue in focus group discuss of women Safai Karmachari working in election duty in zonal railway training institute, Udaipur, experts from the group discussion while discussing the impact of jhadu (broom) in their lives as a Safai Karmacharir. The political atmosphere in which the Women Safai Karmachari were working also gave ample opportunities for an understanding which could create an understandings of one’s own perspectives about their work-

“Arey yeh Jhadu.! Agar aap ye Jhadu pakad logey na, to koi b vishwas kar leve ki aap bhi harijan ho… Isne apni Chhap vhodhi he apni,humara man he ye. Chahe dusre nahi pasnd krte ho ise. Ye agar humare hath me hona to koi hume chhu nai skte… Par kejriwal pakdta he na wo Kadhu he..ghar saaf krne wala.. wo agar huamra jhadu pakde jo sadak saaf krti he to dekho hum usi ko vote krengey…”-Kavita ji During Focus Group Discussion

(The Jhadu.! If you also hold thisjhadu anyone would believe that you are a Harijan….Jhadu has left its imprint, it is our honour. It is ours. Even though others do not like. With this in hand no one would mess with us….. But what kejriwal holds is Khadu which cleans inside the house… Let him hold our Jhadu which cleans the street and we would vote him….)

Here women are not just acknowledging the act of touching “their” jhadu but the involvement off all communities in their kind of work. As there were no one from outside the community who had the women interviewed working as contractors, lived in the neighboring colony of the ward, where they were cleaning the clogged drains and open outlets of the latrines. During the data collection the researcher observed the aggression the benefiters of these contract laborer’s. The open ridicule and abusive language of clogged human shit overloaded drains and the connecting smaller drains. The women contract laborers silently would accept this and passively undertake their activity.The proximity here is the nearness the ‘harijan’ basti. The women were quiet vulnerable here,working very near to houses which even do not offer water to drink. The researcher conducted the research during the summer season, during the research as the women rested for a while till their turn, as men when where clearing the sludge. On asking related to the time they spent working in the Sun, the women were asked on what do they do, because none seems to carry water for themselves at work.

“Sb acche hi he,pr unko lgta he to wo pani devenge,hume b soch smjh k pani magna pdta he.. ki kon gaddhe ka pani dege aur kon nall ka. Par koi b humare hath pe nai rkhte jameen pe lotta rkh dete he” -Phagunbai

(everyone is good. But if they feel they give us water. We have to be selective of who would give us water…. Sometimes some people give from earthen pot, some give from the hot pipe. But no one gives it to us, they just keep the vessel on ground never in our hands.” – Contract safai kamgar Phangunbai- railway road ward worker.

The political understanding also was articulated in the day to day specture, where the intent of the researcher was also politically scrutinized by the safaikarmachari women during the focus group discussion.They asked the researcher the reason she was sitting with them, and they the answered the question on their own, Women said,

“Shayad apko koi kam hoga humse,kuch mtlb hoga tabhi ap baitho ho. Log aise hi humare sath kam niklwa k chale jate he..koi humare sath kisi tarike ka sambandh nahi bnana chahtate. Par hum bhi apna kam niklwa lete he, agar hume jamadar se kuch kam ho to hum bhi mithi mithi bolengey uske sath..tabhi to wo chai pilayega hume.” -Group discussion with women safai kamgar

(May be because you have work with us, that is why you are sitting with us, you have some work to attain from us. People attain the work from us and retract back. No one wants to associate with us in any form. We also have to be very patient with our jamadar to give us some free time out of work or tea, we have to in very co-operative manner with our jamadar.)

Women contract workers had to do all these calculations before asking for water or even while speaking to person from ‘other’ caste. Their presence as safaikamgar instilled some kind of very visible anger among the people living in the ward. There were abuses and also their employers, engaging in liberty to abuse and strip dignity at every act of theirs.

Rege’s (Rege,1998) contribution to the path breaking revelation of homogenization of the category of women. Where in the homogeneity is countered and a introduced the ‘different voice’. Rege argues in her writing that the women also have different positions and ideologies hence would their standpoints be. Integrating aspects of creating opportunities to understand differences within feminist groups giving emphasis on personal politics and experiences of oppression. Where oppression of patriarchy was overarching their personal lives, also carrying caste pride and disgust for women engaged in cleaning their own human waste.

“Ye sb jo kam kr rahi he idhar sb neechi jati k he, mujhe to idhar majboori me kam krna pad rha he, Me to inke hath ka pani tk nahi peeti, apne dekho nai ke?. Na mene inka khana khaya, to bhana bna lia mene bhi, Me jaldi khati or so jati. Me apna bottle bhi khud hi leti hun..dekho ye humshe aisa hi ltka rehta he mere pas, to wo log bhi nai peeti mere me se” Mumtaz Hella

(…all these working here are low caste, I have to work here because of my need, I do not even drink water from them, dint you not see me lying aside, I do not eat their food, so to avoid eating, I eat first and go to sleep when they eat. I carry my own bottle; see I always tie it around myself, so they don’t drink from it.) Mumtaz Hella

The above narrative describes of the differences a Dalit Muslim woman held for other Dalit Hindu women, it was similar while conducting interview with Shantibai. During the group discussion on asking which community lies below among you all, they pointed out to Mumtaz being a Muslim. Rege in Dalit Women Talk differently points out the ‘differences’ within the community and also among the women. Nullifying the equalizer imposed on women, bringing out an effective contribution in academia of heterogeneity in a largely homogenized group. In continuation with this Hindu chammar women and Muslim Hela women did not see each other’s experiences as same. It has come out from the interviews that overtaking of the job of manual scavenging by the Muslim community has channelized chammar women’s identities into housemaid. Group Discussion helped bring out varied understandings on the aspect of where the aspect of being seen as a ‘Harijan’, a Safai Karmachari coincided. The articulation of woman of Harijan giving higher status and also it being a life transformation translates the idea of how a history of marginalization was covered with the word Harijan, but it did not hide the fact that the society still discriminates.

Socio economic and cultural differences of women employed as scavengers in urban sector

Scavenging is a phenomenon which has equally spread in both the rural and urban spaces. It is necessary to know the visibility and the attitude of women working in particular sector and of women working in both. The difference they find, which one is the ‘better’ one and the also the interpersonal relationships between them. The wage structure and the differences between institutionalized scavenging and domestic scavenging or being part of both. On interacting with Woman Safai Kamgar, it came out the ghettoization and the extension of caste boundaries beyond Hindu community as well.

On asking Mumtaz about the way she and her family got into this job, she replies and also articulates the multiple reasons the family had to migrate. On asking how did her parents get job

“Humare rishtedar rehte the tb Udaipur me, us samye ye itna bda nahi tha, par fir b humare kaum k log sath hi me rehte the abhi bhi wahi jagaah he. Kuch adde the jahan kuch aurate jati, wahin pe mere maa ne mela uthane ka kam ka zima liya.Abba ko kam thora deri me mila. Gaom me to humare khandan ko koi naukari nai thi,kyunki whan to sb khet me jate the. Yahn to har ghar me kutcha shauch tha,el aurat fix hi rehta tha.”

(We had relatives in Udaipur, that time Udaipur was not this big and the muslim community even then lived in the same place as before. There were houses where some of our aunties used to go for cleaning work,my mother got through them and my father got work quiet later. Before that in village we did not have to do this job as everyone went into the field for open defecation, here everyhouse had one kutchha /dry toilet and from everyhouse they would fix the person who would clean.)

The above depiction clearly explains the trauma a family in whole faces, the transition and the expectation a city delivers for a Dalit, but the same identity is grappled in caste based on menial occupations. The migration of the family and the socio economic condition of the family being poor, Udaipur has 6% of the Schedule caste population and only 3% are in urban spaces. It is understood with the interviews that it was only through the entry point of the similar communities that women could get employed as manual scavengers.

The presence of the researcher in the locality was felt as an official visit. The inhabitants raised their voices higher, an incentive to throw away the contract worker away. The misery of their sight and their presence with broom was seen as revolting. The confident display of anger was felt as a justification of mistreatment. Ironically the male Safai Kamgar while taking the researcher around the other wards said-

“dekho.. kitne wahiyad he ye log, ye apko dekh kr bhi galyin dene me nai thak rhe, ladia jhagda marpeet sb hota he idhar.. khuleaam hota he ye sb” -Prabhulal jamadar

(See.. here people are not civil, see even if you are here they are not changing their attitude, they fight and quarrel with us. Sometimes abuse us in public)Prabhulal Jamadar

This threat and social exclusion which creates an environment where in the community is fearful of the fear of being excluded or left alone in a society which considers them lesser human. Any kind of assertion not only affects them economically but emotionally and socially too. There is no space for choice given, with violence around and in presence form of a public outrage, people vulnerable in such situations are helpless and being a Dalit it adds to the extent of marginalization faced.

The fear here is not even of losing the job, but of being segregated and criminalized for doing this. It is not a luxury the bhangi can ever indulge in, if one dares to, the source of food would also go as they have no other option(Thekaekara, 1997) . The decision making aspect or the liberty to choose of not to work is absent for Dalit. It is more for a Dalit woman engaged in scavenging, where the employer is not just an individual but a whole community. Dismissal is not an option for the employer, but humiliating does come with employing Dalit women to clean dry toilets daily. It becomes a normal, of a human being subjected to human rights violations and health hazards for the convenience of the accidently ‘upper caste’ born person.While it also becomes essential on the aspect of why is such normalcy begin, the essence of dignity to be desired is not what expected from the Dalit community. It also becomes a liability after marriage for a woman to sustain and if she is working as a scavenger there are certain liabilities involved

The jhadu tool creates the manifestation of the caste identity and the graded oppression wherein their transformation from a human being to an ‘inferior’ being starts. It was during the interview that the very significance of jhadu has been established. Jhadu remains universal, and also very symbolic, identifying the identity and associating one-self with the jhadu as an act of assertion in a sense. The irony is this assertion might also only associate them with the act of cleaning and nothing more. While the interview women said jhadu which we hold and Kejriwal holds is different. We hold the jhadu which sweeps the streets not just ones houses. The obligation and the stench women acquire is not easily withdrawn when they leave it, it goes till their houses,where they stay and how they mingle in society further. Touching a jhadu and been seen with a jhadu could be translated into one being of lower caste. While women also emphasized that it is them who have to pay for the jhadu, and cleaning equipment which carries stigma does come with a cost and affecting their lifestyle in public sphere.

The similarity is what becomes a major proponent here, where Dalit women have had to face misery from childhood to even their present lives. This similarity shown in the narratives and , expands the identities Dalit women in manual scavenging face in the platforms, which are very peculiar. Their friends, the ways in which engage in manual scavenging, the areas they did the task, the person they had to marry. The expectations they held after marriage and the kind of aspiration they have for their children. The aspiration, struggle and stench all lingered in their lives in the same way.

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