Rakesh Ranjan

Abstract

For religion to perform truly the task of cultural and civilizational progress, it must get rid itself of metaphysical and theological baggage and be adapted to the demands of both science and democracy. Dalit alternative religious imaginations to a large extent meet the conditions laid down by their suffering. So, Dalit alternative religious practices are in many ways, itself the product of the protest from both at once too much emphasis on theology and metaphysics in mainstream religious traditions and at the same time too graded and superstitious to be compatible with science and democracy. This is finally culminated in the post-Ambedkarite Dalit movement and political mobilization with the significant feature of the sense of security among Dalit communities. This movement also suggests mainstream society to change their traditional attitude under pre-existing hegemonic Hindu religious agencies towards Dalits. It helps them reviving, renovating and rejuvenating their energy to attain certain goals which finally culminating into the mass political mobilization of Dalit communities to ensure self-respect and dignity in life.

Key Words: Dalit Religious Psych, Post-Ambedkarite Movement, Counter Public Space and Dalit Bhujan

Framework: Dalit Religious psych and the Post Ambedkarite Dalit Movement in India

The hierarchical Hindu social structure based on the notion of purity and pollution and other discriminatory shows that Hindu religion imposed restrictions on ritual freedom to Dalits and do not allow them to enter into religious institutions and agencies. These religious practices are the base of Dalits’ stigmatic identity and caste atrocities. Now there is growing understanding among them that their liberation is not possible while practicing Hindu religion. This is the reason why Dalits are moving closer to another religion, such as Buddhism or whatever alternative they find to challenge the mainstream religion and to satisfy their anger. The new alternative religious institutions of Dalits are acting as an agency for their liberation from the exploitative mainstream religious society. This is the most important reason of alternative conceptions of Dalit religiosity. Further, for religion to perform truly the task of cultural and civilizational progress, it must get rid itself of metaphysical and theological baggage and be conformed to the demands of both science and democracy. Dalit alternative religious practices to a large extent meet the conditions led down by above understanding.

So, Dalit alternative religious practices are in many ways, itself the product of the protest from both at once too much emphasis on theology and metaphysics in mainstream religious traditions and at the same time too graded and superstitious to be compatible with science and democracy. Indeed the ideas of democracy, equality and dignity of individual characterize the essence of the Dalit religion (Webster: 42-43). This has had a very strong impact on psychological and spiritual aspects of Dalit religiosity.

Psycho-Spiritual aspect of alternative Dalit religion reflects that the oppression is a consequence of a hierarchical caste system it may manifest in multiple dimensions. It may fracture and immobile the oppressed (Dalit) socially, culturally, economically, spiritually and psychologically. In fact very often than not oppressed may come out of aforementioned some consequences of oppression, to be precise, socially, culturally and economically, if we radically alter the existing customary framework of social intercourse into a concrete politico-legal framework which vanishes hitherto existing unequal indignant social life of oppressed. But it may be, indeed it is, as so many researches have shown over the years that, the altered egalitarian formal political promises may only touch the superficial level of thoughts and psychology of oppressed, their depth of experience (ibid: 35-53) which has gone century into making it may remain untouched. As a result every little hurt may act as a mirror of their past wounds of oppression.

In attempting to explain the consequences of oppression of Dalit psych in hierarchical caste structure, as Webster, referring to J. C. Heinrich, argues, ‘there is a universal urge for self-expression and superiority inherent in human nature’ (Heinrich cited in Webster: 131). It is this universal urge which is choked by hierarchical caste based social relation, resulting in a chronic sense of inferiority, insecurity and meaninglessness it further produces anger and rage which may be either suppressed, expressed openly and directly, or expressed indirectly in a passive aggressive manner according to circumstances. Roland and Kakar provide another relevant analysis, for them, peculiar Indian child socialization into the household and its attendant social traits of love and respect among superior and subordinates extends far beyond this primary group into the secondary social environment of Jati, where the same role they exhibit. But this socialization is highly asymmetrical among the upper caste Hindus and Dalits. For upper caste Hindus, they can be benign connections between their home nurturing and the secondary socialization into the caste hierarchy. But for Dalit the same socialization is an experience of oppression. To explain this C. B. Webster elucidates for Roland and Kakar, remarks that:

The hierarchy into which by nature they have become immersed and emotionally (as well as economically) dependent upon is at the same time source of constant humiliation to their ‘we-self’. The result can only be a seriously conflicted inner world where a deep sense of once own worth and lovableness rooted in a mother’s nurturing and the happy early childhood is fighting with a constant feeling of shame about the status of once ‘we-self’ ascribed by the outside world, where a deep dependence upon ‘superiors’ for validation and status are at war with an equally powerful anger at those ‘superiors’ for withholding these, where a deep desire to prove once ‘merit’ to those to deny with is mixed with a sense of helplessness. Hierarchy, dependency and conflict seem to be built into the inner world of Dalits as much as in the external world with which they must deal (Roland and Kakar cited in Webster 2002: 136).

There is another explanation of distinctive experience of Dalit psych of oppression, called trauma which results from all kinds of violence and atrocities unleashed upon Dalits within the operation of hierarchical caste based social relations. Now the question that begs is that through what mechanisms can this ‘depth psychic experience of oppression of Dalit be healed?’ (Ibid: 137) How the alternative religious practices can help Dalits to the new sense of freedom and dignity not something as superficial truth but an experienced reality?

To begin with, as we know that ultimately ‘self’ is the product of interacting factors of familial socialization and outside secondary environment. In case of Dalit, unequal hierarchical oppressive caste structure, is the ‘nurturing environment’ which creates and sustains the distorted and degraded notion of ‘self’ among Dalit psyche which has to be confronted. This nurturing environment can be altered, in my view, through a distinctively radical religious-universe of imaginations and practices. This is precisely what alternative Dalit religious practices are all about. As Webster rightly put it, ‘the ethos of the nurturing environment is altered primarily by the introduction of a new religious ideology’ (Ibid: 141) (e.g., egalitarian Bhakti, ‘engaged’ Buddhism, Dalit theology) and its incorporation into the rites, rituals, customs and practices of the religious community.

Hence, the social significance of Dalit alternative religious identity pervades every aspect of Dalit’s life right from their empowerment to a better and dignified life. It brings out the best adjustment between individual and society. It does not only give the emotional, motivational, social security, but it also gives independent identity, solidarity and self-respect. The institutionalization of norms, values, rituals and symbols create a new patterned network of social relationships at both intra-public and inter-public levels, which manifests itself into the broader sphere of religious grouping. This patterned network of social relationship is the part and parcel of Dalit’s bottom-top-movement to create an independent Dalit religious identity in their everyday ordinary lived experiences free from supernatural, metaphysical, transcendental and otherworldly reference.

In reference to above arguments, understanding the new dynamics of political mobilization through consolidated social relation among Dalit communities. The case of social and political mobilization of Dalit communities in different states such as Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamilnadu and Punjab is very much helpful. To show their grievances Dalit communities are spending even their hard earned money. They are performing an expensive function following their own ritual practices. In fact, the performance of these rituals and religious practices have widen today significantly to include not only the old and ancient deities, but also by enmeshing in and celebrating the birthday of their contemporary heroes like Ambedkar, Periyar, Phule, Kanshi Ram, Jhalkari Bai, Mayavati and other Dalit iconic figures.

Analyzing this development Pradeep Kumar and Sudha Pai asserts that: The portraits of Ambedkar, Phule, EVR, Shahuji Maharaj; etc. In its rallies are a tribute to those who fought against untouchability and caste system. From the speeches of BSP leaders and their use of symbols like the ‘Ashok Chakra’ and ‘Blue Flag’, we can logically conclude that Dalit politics propagate non-Hindu symbols. The carving of new districts during Mayawati’s Chiefministership and naming them after Gautam Buddha, Shahuji Maharaj, Jyotiba Phule, etc. Categorically points towards a cultural revolt against the Brahminical tradition of naming districts Rampur, Laxmanpur, Sitapur, etc. This strategy created a political fervor and sensitized the Dalit masses on these issues (Kumar 1999: 822). These personalities represent an anti-brahminical ideology due to their movements against caste in particular and the hierarchical Varna system in general. The symbols of the BSP reflect revolt against Brahmanism in Indian culture. ‘This has generated in UP, a socio-cultural process of ‘Ambedkarisation’, i.e, tremendous growth in the consciousness among Dalits about the life and ideas of Ambedkar. In many villages of Meerut and surrounding districts, for example, committees, libraries, schools, etc., have been named after him, his statues installed, Dalit literature is read, and Ravidas temples are constructed it is a new conscious generation. It is a movement to gain self-respect, but voting for the BSP is seen as a political offshoot’ (Pai 1997: 2314).

Moreover, the news flashed on CNN World, a television news channel, on February 03, 2010 had explored that ‘one of India’s Dalit communities had declared its own religion’. Followers of 14^th century spiritual Guru Ravidas will now have their own holy scripture, a flag and a greeting. The new holy book compiles Guru Ravidass writings, which until now were predominantly found in sacred Sikh scriptures that the sect placed in its house of worship. ‘The new Ravidassia faith was installed to a large congregation at the birthplace of the revered leader in Uttar Pradesh’s state’ (Singh 2010). The CNN World news channel flashed ‘the experts said that the move was a response to social discrimination against Dalit communities in Punjab state of India where close to 30 percent of the population is Dalit, the highest in any Indian state’ (ibid). When the channel interviewed an eminent scholar of Punjab Balbir Madhopuri, who has written several books on the Hindu caste, said that ‘the Ravidassias and Dalits remain marginalized in Punjab politically, religiously and economically and this act was the response of their all kinds of marginalization’ (Singh 2010). According to the CNN World television news channel experts, analysts said the declaration of new faith is likely to be a psychological boost for Dalits in India. They appear to have asserted themselves in a strategy that will give them a greater bargaining strength in their state where power has centered around specific caste (Singh 2010). Expert Madhopuri has believed that ‘this announcement of alternative religion is the symbol of Dalit assertion’ (Singh 2010). This is further in the eyes of Dalit communities a viable way for their mission of emancipation, from the scourge of segregation and discrimination from the mainstream religion.

Understanding the emergence of religious discourse of Dalit communities one can easily agree that religion takes birth in attempt of searching social security through supernatural, metaphysical, transcendental and otherworldly powers created by human being and derived from their fundamental existential characteristics i.e. contingency, powerlessness and scarcity. What I observe is that religion has its source in the fundamental existential characteristics of human beings. Further, the adaptive and expressive conditions of human beings depend on the fundamental existential characteristics of human beings. If these adaptive and expressive conditions are different the nature of religious orientation and mode of worships would be different. In this way the adaptive and expressive conditions of Dalit communities are different from the adaptive and expressive conditions of mainstream Hindu society. So, their religious orientation, nature and mode of worships are different from Hindu religion.

Embracing their own rituals Dalits also derive spiritual privilege establishing relationship with supernatural and natural powers according to their imagination. From the available sources, it is not entirely clear how widespread these theological beliefs are but the political mobilization is ever widening to challenge the mainstream politics and the exploitative social structure. It does not matter that their religious conception and beliefs are practical in the everyday life or not. ‘Dalit Gods & Goddesses are crisis-deities and are related to both auspicious life cycle, rituals, good fortune and are invoked when life cycle in crisis’ (Rani and Ganjha 2009: 15-16) or not, but it is acting as an interconnecting thread to develop solidarity, we feeling and brotherhood to organise and fight against the injustices being done to them by upper castes Hindus.

The various dimensions of Dalit’s religious belief system and existing theological concepts and patterns of thinking are very much political as mainstream politico-religious conception but not to hegemonize the other identities in India. Now Dalits realise its importance in their life and the life of their coming generation and pray earnestly for them. Further, the notion of God or relation with supernatural power or the Supreme being who is accessible and approachable to Dalit community is not easy to comprehend. Indeed, such a notion of God & Goddesses is in complete contradiction to Hindu religion. What I understand after analysis of Dalits religious belief system through Dalit writings is the existence of a Supreme Being is acknowledged by them, but they believe that they too are capable of approaching him, be it Buddhism or whatever. Their conception of religiosity is nothing but to break their religiously sanctioned degradation and to gain dignity, equality and self-respect in society. How their mission of emancipation has gained momentum? What are the role played by the Ambedkarite movement to break discriminatory Hindu religious code of conduct based on the rigid caste system and the notion of purity and pollution. There are another subject of research, but the objective is very clear and it is nothing but to liberate the Dalit community from the scourge of exploitative Hindu social structure based on caste hierarchy. Certainly, it has put great psychological impact on Dalit communities and on the construction of alternative religious, social and political institutions are acting as an agency of their emancipation.

These agencies have emerged out due to discrimination, segregation, subordination and marginalization by mainstream Hindu religion to contest their inferior status and assert their identity and self-respect. It has become an important means to assert their identity and self-respect against the exploitative Hindu social order. It has become an important instrument to subvert their degraded position and ‘graded inequality’. In addition, the political movements have given new meaning to explore their identity. It has become a tool to redraw the new domain and create new social, religious and political framework such as the Dalit-Bahujan (Ilaiah 2009). These movements help them reviving, renovating and rejuvenating their energy to attain certain goals which finally culminating into the mass political mobilization of Dalit communities to ensure self-respect and dignity in life. They are trying to inculcate an alternative culture, i.e. the way of life having their own norms, faith, ethos and spirits latently (in a subtle way) through which they can propagate their mission of emancipation.

Finally, the most significant feature of these movements is the sense of security among Dalit communities which will finally provide momentum to Ambedkarite movement to change their traditional attitude under pre-existing hegemonic Hindu religious agencies while considering the present circumstances and conditions. With this assertion the act of Dalit segregation, marginalization and subordination by mainstream Hindu religion and society, proving otherwise beneficial to develop solidarity, fraternity and we feeling among Dalit communities and now they are ready to change their lives with their own. They are exploring their hitherto buried as well as ignored cultural resources like myths, heroes, histories, stories and narratives. It is broadening their space and ensures the way to achieve and access equal recognition with mainstream society and their movement. It is not for the assimilation within mainstream society. Many of their practices and performances like reciting Dalit narratives, poems, stories and worshiping Dalit heroes are now contesting the fixed degraded position of Dalit communities. On the one side, it is constructing or restructuring their new domain by generating new faith towards Dalit cultural resources and on the other side, it helps to deconstruct and subvert the Hindu social structure based on the Brahminical code of conduct and the notion of purity and pollution by negating the exploitative and discriminatory Brahminical philosophy (Narayan 2009: 86-112).

In this process, the post-Ambedkarite Dalit movement is proving fruitful as they are celebrating their past in an organized way, and there is no better example than installing a board of ‘the great Chamar’ in Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh. In some way, such practices are amounting conflict with mainstream Hindu society. It also questions their permanent authority and protests against the existing exploitative Hindu social order. These performances are today breaking the delegated limits of Dalit communities and creating possibilities of new domains in their lives within their own social, religious and political framework to redraw their independent conception of religio-cultural horizon. The impacts of these movements are clearly visible in helping them in making their presence felt in political domain as well. As these movements provide them with loosely a common vision of the religio-moral universe different from mainstream Hindu religious practices which to some extent helped to capture the state power. This has not only redesigned their counter public space, but it has created a sense of emancipation from exploitation and discrimination and to establish an inclusive, more democratic and egalitarian society that is envisaged by Ambedkarite movement. It clearly indicates that these innovative movements have become strategic tools for the total transformation of society and redrawing the inclusive space for Dalit communities both individually and socially.

The collective experiences of pain and suffering among Dalit communities are solidifying them to restructure the existing exploitative social order. Collectively, they are now executing their broaden space in search of becoming master of their own destiny. Previously their destiny was decided with biological accidental birth and degraded occupation imposed by their manu-vadi upper caste so-called masters (Narayan 2011: 97-122). The old understanding about the dynamics of social relationship based on the underlying principle of Varna system and notion of purity and pollution are increasingly getting influenced by these movements as it reflected in the interview given to the Indian Express newspaper by the head of Congress SC wing K. Raju. He has openly accepted that ‘Dalit rallies are a warning to all parties, the next government.. The rally at Jantar Mantar (on 21st May 2017) is a turning point in Dalit movement, needs to be taken seriously’ (K. Raju 2017). The old social relationships are also transforming through the transaction of power to Dalit communities. The functional natures of social relationships are changing through the faith and sense of self-respect is developed among Dalit communities within their religio-cultural domain and framework. However degraded this movement may be in the upper caste vision, it will insure them freedom to make their choice. They are now making all the decisions regarding their destiny, as a decider of their own course of action.

It is true that even after 70 years of independence, majority of Dalit communities are still in the same state of backwardness, but the solidarity emerged through these movements have assumed importance in the light of deciding the further course of action, both at political and social levels. It is also true that the so-called Hindu upper caste dominated society is still privileged and standing tall at powerful position, but the Dalit movements will certainly invoke required power within Dalit communities to hold the condition under control. Various incidences prove that the practice of complete segregation and humiliation of Dalit communities by mainstream Hindu society in India is still in practice with the same intensity along with the other stigmas attached to Dalits. But this new pattern of interaction if cultivated well with the same pace and commitment then the Ambedkarite mission of social transformation and establishing socio-economic justice will certainly get an unprecedented momentum.

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Rakesh Ranjan is Research Scholar, PhD, Center for Political Studies, School of Social Science, Jawaharlal Nehru University. You can reach him at rakeshjnu06@gmail.com