Abstract

This paper is a product of a research conducted to understand the historical evolution and dynamics of Buddha Viharas. It assesses the role of Buddha Viharas in bringing social change in the lives of Neo-Buddhists in Mumbai. It maps the activities carried out in these Buddha Viharas and its contribution to the development and empowerment of Neo-Buddhists in the locality. It tries to understand the power dynamics among the existing active groups for access and control of Buddha Viharas and the resources available within. This is done to evolve a broad framework outlining the kind of positive role the Buddha Viharas ought to play in reconstruction of a society as envisioned by Siddhattha Gotama and Ambedkar.

Introduction

The Mahars in Maharashtra were worshipers of local deities such as Marimai, Mesumai and Kaluaai up until Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s arrival to Buddhism along with lakhs of followers in 1956. This arrival proved to be a total turn-around for ex-untouchable, especially in terms of their complete metamorphosis and transformation from the given identity of Harijan or Asprushas to an arrived and achieved identity of Neo-Buddhist which could also be conceived as restored original identity. Glimpses of liberation from Hindu fold under extreme subjugation manifested in many ways – these so-called ex-untouchables broke free from abject humiliation by shunning away all Hindu gods and goddesses from their day to day lives. In other words, the converted began rejecting gods and goddesses representing both great tradition as well as little tradition. From this day on, they tried to evolve their own Buddhist and especially non-Hindu, non-Brahmanical egalitarian culture. Hinduism and the Hindu social order became a negative reference group for them and they gradually started replacing Hindu deities with idols of Buddha. After Ambedkar’s death, statues of Buddha and Ambedkar became the symbols of socio-cultural identity of Neo-Buddhists in Maharashtra. Statues, idols or busts of Buddha and Ambedkar were seen installed in every Dalit locality, village, town and city.

Buddhism as a Dhamma evolved on Indian soil and later spread across Asia. The Neo Buddhists in Maharashtra started giving significant importance to all that was related to Buddhism and its idea of Dhamma. Buddhist Caves (Ajanta and Ellora), ancient Buddhist education centers (Takshashila and Nalanda), the birth place of Buddha (Lumbini), the place where Buddha received enlightenment (Buddhgaya), the place of Buddha’s first sermon ‘Dhammachakra Pravartan Deen’ (Sarnath), the place of Mahaparinirvana (Kushinagar) etc. assumed immense significance in the lives of Buddhist converts in Maharashtra. Within the state of Maharashtra; Diksha-Bhumi at Nagpur, where conversion took place on October 14, 1956 and Chaitya-Bhumi at Dadar, Mumbai, where Ambedkar’s funeral took place and his memorial stands became places of pilgrimage for Dalits and Buddhist converts from all over India. All monuments built after the death of Ambedkar were styled around ancient Buddhist architecture.

History of Buddha Viharas

Vihara is the Sanskrit and Pali term for a Buddhist monastery. It originally meant ‘a secluded place in which to walk’, and referred to ‘dwellings’ or ‘refuges’ used by wandering monks during the rainy season (Manohar, 2001). The northern Indian state of Bihar derives its name from the word vihara, probably due to the abundance of Buddhist monasteries in that area. The central Asian city of Bukhara also probably takes its name from vihara. The word vihara has also been absorbed in Malay, where it is spelled biara, meaning ‘monastery’.

The term monastery has been derived from the Greek word monasterion which means the habitat and workplace of a community of monks or nuns. In Buddhism, a monastery is known as a vihara or gompa. The exact time of the emergence of Buddhist monasteries is not known. It is believed that they emerged somewhere around the fourth century BC. The practice of varsha vassa, the retreat undertaken by Buddhist monks and nuns during the South Asian monsoon season, is said to have been the inspiration behind the Buddhist monastery.

In the course of Buddha’s ministry, he provided various places of retreat or Viharas, where members of the sangha could spend time and study in the rainy period, then the members of the sangha used the places as permanent residence (Dhamma Master, 1998: 681) In India, as the history of the Buddhism changed, the role of Vihara also changed in society. In the early decades of Buddhism, monks of the Sangha dedicated to asceticism and the monastic life had no fixed abode. During the rainy season they stayed in temporary shelters. These dwellings were simple wooden constructions or thatched bamboo huts. However, as it was considered an act of merit not only to feed a monk but also to shelter him, sumptuous monasteries were created by rich, lay devotees (Mitra, 1971). They were located near settlements, close enough for begging alms from the population but with enough seclusion to not disturb their meditation.

Under varsha vassa, wandering Buddhist monks and nuns were confined to a particular place for the monsoon, lasting approximately three months. This was to prevent them from upsetting new plant growth or becoming stranded in stormy weather. These retreats were organized in the pavilions and parks donated to the sangha by supporters. With the passage of time this routine of staying in retreats during the vassa retreat advanced into an austere lifestyle for the nuns and the monks.

They started living in the monasteries as a sangha, throughout the year. Initially, Buddhist monasteries were used as residence by the sangha as a whole. However, later this practice changed and in some countries only the monks started residing in the monasteries (Gajbhye, 2009). For nuns, nunneries were established. In the Indian subcontinent, Buddhist monasteries progressively grew into centers of learning. They served as the places where philosophical principles were developed and debated. In some countries, monasteries became large landowners (ibid.). Trade-routes were ideal locations for a vihara and donations from wealthy traders increased their economic strength. From the first century CE onwards viharas also developed into educational institutions. This was due to the increasing demand for teaching in Mahayana Buddhism (Chakrabarti, 1995).

Peasant families worked on the land of the monastery and in exchange, gave the monks a portion of their yearly crop. While in other places, the monastery came under the ownership of a single monk, who passed it on from generation to generation (Gajbhye, 2009). In the Theravada tradition of Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka, one can also find forest monasteries. These monastries do not perform scholarship or ceremonial duties; rather they are devoted to the study of Buddhist meditation techniques.

By the second century CE a standard plan for a vihara was established. It could be either structural, which was more common in the south of India, or rock-cut like the Chaitya-Grihas of the Deccan. It consisted of a walled quadrangular court, flanked by small cells. A door pierced the front wall, the side facing it in later periods often incorporated a shrine for the image of the Buddha. The cells were fitted with rock-cut platforms for beds and pillows (Mitra, 1971). The unwanted rock was excavated, leaving the carved cave structure. This basic layout was still similar to that of the communal space of an ashrama ringed with huts in the early decades of Buddhism (Tadgell, 1990).

As permanent monasteries became established, the name vihara was kept. Some viharas became extremely important institutions, some of them evolving into major Buddhist University with thousands of students, such as Nalanda (Gajbhye, 2009). Life in viharas was codified early on. It is the object of a part of the Pali canon, the Vinaya Pitaka or ‘basket of monastic discipline’ (Gajbhye, 2009).

Buddhist Viharas or monasteries are an important form of institution associated with Buddhism. It may be defined as a residence for monks, a centre for religious work and meditation and a centre of Buddhist learning. Reference to five kinds of dwellings (Pancha Lenani) – Vihara, Addayoga, Pasada, Hammiya and Guha is found in the Buddhist canonical texts as fit for monks. Of these, only the Vihara (monastery) and Guha (cave) have survived.

Monks participate in most social activities and programs of the community. Monks were invited by people living around the Buddha Vihara to discuss and share Buddhist philosophy. Even in contemporary society, monks are actively engaged in rapport and relationship building with people at large.

Locating Buddha Viharas in Maharashtra

In rural and urban Maharashtra, local community centers were called Buddha Viharas. They evolved through Neo-Buddhist’s day to day struggles and represent one of the most prominent symbols of their new socio-cultural identity as Buddhist converts. Initially, idols or statues of Buddha were installed in open spaces, at times even by removing old idols of Hindu deities like Marimai, Mesumai and Kaluaai – slowly, mud, semi-concrete or concrete structures were built around it. These Buddha Viharas assumed the role of a place for religious, socio-cultural and political activity and became common site for representing collective aspirations of Neo-Buddhists. In a way they were instrumental in shaping and reshaping the collective conscience of Buddhist converts. Discrimination at public places (restricted temple entry etc.) was common experience for all converts before and even after the conversion. Buddha Viharas came to fill this vacuum and became an independent centre of multiple activities concerning the Buddhist community. Besides everyday or occasional collective recitation of Buddhist Precepts, they became the common place for public meetings concerning issues of community, celebration of Buddha and Ambedkar Jayanti or simply as a place for study, youth gatherings, non-formal school, tutorials and wedding venues. Unlike Hindu Temples, the Buddha Viharas never became a place of worship or ritual, crowded with devotees coming with offerings and seeking blessings and material gains. The Buddha Viharas in contrast became the places for Buddhists to debate over the issues concerning their day to day lives and to strategize towards bringing radical transformation in their life conditions by acting on the teachings of Buddha and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. In this context, the Viharas took the shape of centers of socio-cultural, educational and political enculturation (socialization) and became a symbol of collective aspiration of Buddhists to create a society based on equality, liberty and fraternity towards achieving social justice as envisaged by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar.

Dharmanand Kosambi was the first high-caste to convert to Buddhism in Indian history. He was instrumental in establishing a Buddha Vihara in a working class colony at Parel, Mumbai. He wrote Bhagwan Buddha – a biography of the Buddha in Marathi and published it in 1940 for the common Maharashtrian to have access to Buddha’s Philosophy. With his efforts, the Pali Language Department was established at the Bombay University; he taught Pali at Fergusson College in Pune from 1912 to1918.

In rural areas Viharas are used as primary schools, information centers, a place for multiple programs and even as centers for the mentally challenged and disturbed (Franchmen, 1999). On the other hand in urban areas especially in dalit habitats, a Buddha Vihara is a place where people gather for functions, youth and activists gather at occasions, children play, students study, women hold Self Help Group meetings, run anganwadis, the elderly come to rest, some come to read the news paper and so on.

Buddha Viharas in Mumbai Metropolitan Area

In the Mumbai Metropolitan Region there were approximately 750 big and small Buddha Viharas in 2009 ( Raja, 2006). By 2012 they increased to 1000. Some of the most prominent Buddha Viharas in the city are at Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Maidan, BDD Chawl (Babasaheb planted a Bodhi tree at the Buddha Vihara here), BDD Chawl No. 40 (Nagsen Buddha Vihar), Dumping Road and Gautam Nagar (Bhimsena and Lumbini Buddha Vihara), Mulund, Triratna Buddha Vihar, Pragnya Sanskrutik Kendra, Govt. Colony, Bandra, Parel East and Tilak Nagar (Sarvodaya Mahabuddha Vihar).

There are many pockets in the city with a very high to moderate population of Buddhists. Some of them are the most prominent centers of the Neo-Buddhist movement. Ramabai Colony, Ghatkopar, P.L. Lokhande Marg, Siddharth Colony (Chembur), some plots in Shivaji Nagar, Govandi, Sion – Koliwada, Wadala, Parel and Byculla are a few of them. Many of these Buddha Viharas are centers of the Ambedkarite movement and are sometimes eyed as strong and huge vote banks. Neo- Buddhists cultural identity is very distinct from other social groups. Idols or posters of Dr. Ambedkar, Buddha and Mahatma Jyotiba Phule symbolize this separate identity. It also marks their socio-economic status, their ideological orientation and in some context their political affiliation. This distinct identity of the Neo-Buddhists becomes an asset for them to negotiate socio-cultural and physical space both in the urban and rural context.

Appraising Buddha Viharas in Mumbai with special focus on M Ward and surrounding areas

Presented below is the data from a survey conducted over a year with 126 respondents in M Ward – a suburban municipal ward of Mumbai. This is an area with a large number of Dalit inhabitants who came to settle into the place over time. One could trace this movement to the point when Dr. Ambedkar made the clarion call to the Dalit community who were locked in oppression in rural India to move to cities, which he considered safer for the Dalit community. To this strategic call by Dr. Ambedkar people responded overwhelming and started moving towards the city coming from the different parts of Maharashtra. Initially when people came to Mumbai there was no land for them to inhabit, hence they trespassed government land and took possession of some land for their homes and reserved some space for the Buddha Vihara for common use. The M Ward was then outside the city limits but close to Bombay city. Many of the members of the Dalit community settled in inhabitable land of M Ward which later turned into locales. Often the Bombay Municipal Corporation have attempted to demolished these localities and as a strategy to counter the same people built their Buddha Vihara to secure the locality as the Bombay Municipal Corporation would not dare demolish a Buddha Vihara; as it would be a breach of religious faith with serious repercussions.

M Ward is divided into M Ward (East) and M Ward (West) which constitute 2 of the 24 municipal wards in Mumbai city. From the empirical data obtained there are 47 Buddha Viharas (36.2 percent) located in M West Ward (Chembur area predominantly), 40 Buddha Viharas (30.8 percent) located outside M Ward, 31 in M East Ward and 8 Buddha Viharas located at the periphery of the said area.

The year of establishment of these Buddha Viharas as data revealed began around mid 1950s. There were 8 Buddha Viharas established between 1950 and 1960, 13 were established between 1961 and 1970, 54 were established between 1971 and 1980, 34 established between 1981 and 1990 and between 1991 and 2000, 17 Buddha Viharas came to existence.

There are interesting reasons why the highest numbers of Buddha Viharas were established between 1971 and 1980. Firstly, in 1971-72 Maharashtra faced severe drought, this drove many Dalits out of their villages. Secondly, the poor and lower castes were mostly dependant on landlords and the rich and most upper castes took advantage of the situation and committed increased atrocities on Dalits. When the first generation learners from the Dalit community understood these atrocities and attempted to raise their voice against the upper castes, the atrocities increased, forcing Dalits to migrate to cities. Thirdly, in villages Dalits did not have dignified employment and were terrified by atrocities, driving them to Mumbai in large numbers.

Further an important role was played by a youth group called the Dalit Panther Movement during 1972 to 1990. They sensitized and made people aware about Dr. Ambedkar’s thoughts and philosophy, especially his call to Dalits to come to cities. When Dalits came to Mumbai during that period, the youth among them were attracted to the Dalit Panther’s Movement. The group helped people settle in Mumbai and played an important role in establishing Buddha Viharas in the city.

There were also other varied reasons that led to construction and establishment of Buddha Viharas. Data revealed that 31 Buddha Viharas (24.6 percent) were built by the moving population as soon as they came, 33 Buddha Vihars (26.1 percent) were built as part of community mobilization process and 29 Buddha Viharas manifested from conflict over legality of land, political parties, within the regional groups, etc. Six were built by politicians, reflective of political mobilization of the people, 5 Buddha Vihara’s were constructed under the Slum Rehabilitation Agency (SRA) scheme operational in the slums of Mumbai, 5 were personally built and owned by the people, 3 were built as part of community’s social activity, 3 through women’s initiative and 3 through worker’s associations and Non Governmental Organization initiatives.

It is important to note that when large numbers migrated into Mumbai in search of employment, economic stability and to move away from atrocious oppression identifying the community became a challenge. One other reason for instituting Buddha Viharas was to symbolically concretise identity. Later the Buddha Vihara became a cultural symbol of neo-Buddhists that contrasted them and their traditions as different from other groups.

It must also be noted that a fter conversion to Buddhism, Dalits wanted to establish and follow the way of Dr. Ambedkar. So when they migrated to Mumbai they needed a common place for congregation to learn new practices as per buddhist traditions. With such intentions the Buddha Vihara was established. To understand Dr. Ambedkar and Buddha’s thoughts on living a better life constituted the core foundation of the Viharas.

Dalit Panthers were the radical voice of Dalits in Maharashtra and became a revolutionary medium to spread information around the ideology of Dr. Ambedkar. Initially the movement did not have any meeting place and as work progressed they felt the need to meet and hold discussions. Hence, community members through self contribution started building such a space around the concept of Buddha Viharas. It is also noteworthy that Dalit women who left behind Hindu practices seeking to establish the ways of Buddhism became front runners in establishing Buddha Viharas.

Currently when mapped around reasons and purpose of establishment it was found that 46 Buddha Viharas (36.5 percent) were established for religious and social purpose, 25 Buddha Viharas (18.2 percent) were established as part of the Dalit Panther movement, 20 Buddha Viharas (15.8 percent) were established because women took initiative, 14 Buddha Viharas were established because they were a multi ethnic community and wanted to legalize the slum, 12 Buddha Viharas was established because the community had the influence to build it and 3 Buddha Viharas were built as the community wanted to establish a big Buddha Vihara.

Further, 44 Buddha Viharas (34.9 percent) stated that historically the idea was to increase the slum community and their participation, 36 Buddha Viharas were used for political mobilization purposes, 30 were established because people lacked space in their homes for cultural and religious programmes and 16 were established on open ground and tried to provide place for sports and games.

The data also shows that 58 Buddha Viharas (46.1 percent) were built through the financial contribution from the community, 46 Buddha Viharas (36.5 percent) were constructed through state intervention especially through Slum Rehabilitation Scheme, local funds of an MLA or MP and through various schemes of the government which permits construction of society halls, only to be later converted into a Buddha Vihara. Another 22 Buddha Viharas were constructed as a community hall for socio cultural programmes of the community by the contractor and other people for the benefit of the community.

Further, 41 Buddha Viharas (32.6 percent) in slum areas fo not have any legal documents of the Vihara as it was built for legalizing the slum. The Buddha Vihara maintained the identity of the slum and represented the strength of the community. Fourty Buddha Viharas (31.7 percent) had youth committees or organizations to run the various activities. With the ideology of Dr. Ambedkar most educated youth came together to register the organization and through the organization built the Buddha Vihara. Thus, the legal ownership automatically went to the organization. Thirty five (27.8 percent) Buddha Viharas were constructed under various governmental schemes provided by the local member of the state and legislative assembly, thus, the legal ownership was in the hands of the party workers or followers of the political leader who helped establish the Buddha Vihara and 10 Buddha Viharas were privately owned. It is observed that such private owners have begun vocational training, private schools and libraries within these Buddha Viharas.

There are a number of activities conducted in and by the Buddha Vihara as shown in table below. Data shows that 54 Buddha Viharas (42.9 percent) gave first priority to religious activity, 42 gave first priority to personal, community and social occasions, 12 gave first priority to celebrating Dr. Ambedkar’s Birth and Death anniversary, 6 (4.8 percent) gave first priority to educational activities, 9 gave first priority to running an Anganwadi within the Buddha Vihara, 3 gave first priority to conducting health camps.

Activities preferred by Buddha Viharas

Current Status of Buddha Viharas

Land ownership of Buddha Viharas has always been a contentious issue. Only 23 Buddha Viharas are owned by a Buddha Vihara Committee, 59 are built in slum areas on government land, 13 are in conflict with government machinery and 8 are in conflict with different companies as these companies have legal entitlements to the land yet people and the Buddha Viaharas have been in existence in the said place for more than 25 to 30 years. Through the Slum Rehabilitation Agency, 9 Buddha Viharas were resettled within M East and M West Ward and 14 are under the process of being demolished under different government schemes.

Finally , it is noteworthy to state that out of 126 Buddha Viharas, 41 have active teams working for the community and its socio-cultural activities. Around 35 were established and run through the initiative of daily wage workers, 12 Viharas provide and reserve space for running sport activities, another 12 were too small to conduct any activity, 16 did not have the resources to run educational, social or cultural activities, 5 have resident monks, 3 were strongly influenced by Hinduism as in pictures and idols of Hindu gods and goddesses were found inside the Viharas, another 3 were not maintained well and were opened only on special occasions once in the whole year.

Conclusion

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar struggle his entire life to achieve equality, fraternity, liberty and social justice for the marginalized in India. Renouncing Hinduism, he said “it is my rebirth” as he entered into Buddhism. Those who converted and adopted Buddhism had to learn new socio-cultural activities that are in consonance with the principles of Buddha and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. For these reasons, Neo-Buddhists turned their chawadi or earlier concept of community hall into Buddha Viharas, which was recopceptualised as a public space around egalitarian principles.

Across the country we are witnessing a resurgence of Buddha Viharas. While the same can be closely linked to processes of political mobilisation against caste oppression, it signifies both a struggle against caste and at the same time a reclaiming of one’s self respect and selfhood fragmented by caste. As in Maharashtra, other states in India are biting this trend and interestingly the Buddha Viharas has come to represent this struggle manifested as a space around which egalitarian principles are operationalised as opposed to the caste principle of hierarchy.

Now as Buddha Viharas play an important role in this massive mobilization among Dalits towards Buddhism, a path charted out by Dr. Ambedkar himself, the road travelled does not seem to be as smooth as one would prefer it to be. There are varied impediments faced at the ground. Notwithstanding such predicaments the Buddha Viharas have become centers of the oppressed by the oppressed for their own learning and empowerment, free from caste and its concomitant brutalities.

References

Journal Articles

Websites

• http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv4n2/fishwork.htm
• (http://www.coastalcampaign.page.tl/Mission-Statement-&Demands.htm?PHPSESSID=c89e98433687b83cdd6c441477eeb02d)
• http://www.zmk.uni-freiburg.de/Online_Texts/Cha%20In-Suk%202003-Globalization.pdf
• http://www.idrc.ca/en/ev-67832-201-1-
• DO_TOPIC.html.http://www.nacdor.org/TEXT%20FILES/Dalit.htm

Notes:

Babasaheb Ambedkar at A Conference of the Mahars held in Bombay on 31 May 1936 (Rodrigues 2005: 229) stated that In Hinduism there is no hope for the Untouchables. But this is not the only reason why the Untouchables wish to quit Hinduism. There is another reason which makes it imperative for them to quit Hinduism. Untouchability is a part of Hinduism. Even those who for the sake of posing as enlightened reformers deny that untouchability is part of Hinduism are found to observe untouchability. For a Hindu to believe in Hinduism does not matter. It enhances his sense of superiority by the reason of this consciousness that there are millions of Untouchables below him. But what does it mean for an Untouchable to say that he believes in Hinduism? It means that he accepts that he is an Untouchable and that he is an Untouchable is the result of divine dispensation. For Hinduism is divine dispensation. An Untouchable may not cut the throat of a Hindu. But he cannot be expected to give an admission that he is an Untouchable and rightly so. Which Untouchable is there with soul so dead as to give such an admission by adhering to Hinduism? That Hinduism is inconsistent with the self-respect and honour of the Untouchables is the strongest ground which justifies the conversion of the Untouchables to another and nobler faith.

Dhamma – 1. To Maintain Purity of Life is Dhamma. 2. To Reach Perfection in Life is Dhamma. 3. To Live in Nibbana is Dhamma. 4. To Give up Craving is Dhamma. 5. To believe that all compound things are impermanent is Dhamma. 6. To believe that Karma is the instrument of Moral Order is Dhamma.

Sangha – The Bhikkhus were organised into a Sangh – The followers of the Blessed Lord were divided into two classes: bhikkhus and Lay Followers called upasakas. Sangha is the organization of Bhikkus

Bow to Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha with accepting his philosophy to do better in own life. with accepting five principle (called Panchashila) – 1. I will have compassion for all creatures and will care for them. 2. I will not steal. 3. I will not lie. 4. I will not follow any addiction. 5. I will not drink alcohol.